Egyptian Author Rim Mourad Unveils New Novel "I Belong To You" at Cairo International Book Fair
Renowned author Rim Mourad has launched her latest novel, "I Belong To You" (Elayaka Antamy), at the ongoing Cairo International Book Fair (January 23 – February 5). This marks Mourad's fourth book and her second novel following the success of her critically acclaimed debut novel "Invasion" (Igtiyah).
"I Belong To You" is a thought-provoking exploration of identity and belonging, inviting readers to question their own sense of self as they follow the protagonist's journey of self-discovery.
Speaking about her new novel, Rim explained, "It is a story that raises questions within us, prompting us to ponder who we truly are and to whom we belong."
The novel draws inspiration from Rim Mourad's short story "The Bell" (El Garas), a tale brimming with vivid characters and compelling events. "I felt that the short story format did a disservice to this rich narrative," Mourad shared. "I decided to expand it into a full-length novel, transforming it into a satirical literary work about a mother's diary and her family's adventures."
A graduate of the Faculty of Commerce, Rim Mourad's passion for writing blossomed at a young age. She honed her craft by writing a collection of short stories that garnered widespread acclaim and numerous awards. However, her professional writing journey began in 2013 with the publication of "The Diaries of an Exhausted Mother" (Yawmyat Omm Tale' Habaaby Einiha). The book resonated deeply with readers, achieving widespread success with ten printings and consistently ranking among bestsellers in bookstores across the country.
Buoyed by this success, Rim followed up with "Exhausted Women and Men" (Setat W Regala Tale' Habaaby Einihum) in 2014, a sequel that satirically explores the dynamics of male-female relationships and the impact of differing temperaments.
In 2017, Mourad ventured into the realm of novel writing with "Invasion" (Igtiyah). This poignant and realistic portrayal of a middle-aged woman grappling with marital trauma and embarking on a journey of self-discovery has garnered significant praise. "Invasion" has even been recommended by psychiatrists to their patients as a source of hope and inspiration in overcoming post-traumatic stress.
In 2025, after overcoming a prolonged writer's block, Rim Mourad finally released her latest novel, "I Belong To You" (Elayaka Antamy). This captivating story unfolds across multiple times and features a cast of diverse heroes, seamlessly weaving elements of romance and fantasy.
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Kyiv, Ukraine – It's next to impossible to imagine Volodymyr Zelenskyy clean-shaven, clad in casual clothes and cracking jokes right next to the Kremlin. 'I'm here, in the heart of Russia – if it still has a heart,' a radiant Zelenskyy quipped in a satirical 'news dispatch' filmed near the Kremlin's vermilion walls. The year was 2014, Moscow had already annexed Crimea and was backing separatists in Donbas and pro-Kremlin protesters in Ukraine's Russian-speaking east and south. Zelenskyy was a comedian, actor and head of the District 95 troupe. Politics, for him, was fodder for sarcastic routines. 'You can say, 'hail Ukraine' in Moscow, and nothing serious will happen to you,' he said in the video. 'Nothing that can't be handled by modern medicine.' More than a decade later, he doesn't crack jokes for a living any more. Instead, he is president of wartime Ukraine – and on Friday is scheduled to meet with his US counterpart Donald Trump in Washington. 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'This is indeed a new reality,' Kyiv-based analyst Mikhail Pogrebinsky told Al Jazeera after that vote. Public Servant had obtained a monopoly on forming a new government, appointing regional heads and controlling the judiciary and law enforcement system. Some insiders were sceptical. 'This is going to be a disaster for Ukraine,' a showbusiness executive who knew Zelenskyy and his team told Al Jazeera on condition of anonymity days before the vote. 'In their field (of comedy) they're good professionals, but I don't think these people know what they're doing in politics.' From Ukraine's 'Mars' to the presidential palace Many of Zelenskyy's closest allies hailed from his hometown – Kryvyi Rih ('Crooked Horn', in Ukrainian), a rustbelt and rust-coloured city in central Ukraine with a pre-war population of 630,000. Resembling a 120km (75-mile) long inkblot, it is filled with mines, smelters and steel plants and surrounded by mountains of spent ore and backbreaking, potholed roads. 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'He was a bright and busy boy,' Tatyana Oreshaka, a housewife in her 50s, told Al Jazeera, standing metres away from the entrance to the building. 'If other kids had an argument, they'd ask him to be a judge.' Zelenskyy grew up in the 1990s, a chaotic and painful decade, when a transition to the market economy coincided with the pauperisation of tens of millions of Ukrainians, an epidemic of heroin abuse and the rise of organized crime. The Kryviy Rih of that decade shaped Zelenskyy's 'iron-fisted business acumen' and reliance on childhood mates, Kazakov said. Thirty members of Zelenskyy's District 95 group, its associates or contractors became part of Zelenskyy's government, according to the Committee of Voters of Ukraine, a civil group. One of them is lawyer Andriy Yermak, head of the presidential administration widely seen as Zelenskyy's 'grey cardinal'. Another one is Ivan Bakanov, who made a fortune in hydroelectric power before becoming head of District 95 and the Public Servant party. In 2019, Zelenskyy appointed Bakanov to helm the Security Service of Ukraine, the main intelligence agency – but fired him three years later after a string of scandals that involved Russian spies and corruption allegations. A dozen more firings and corruption scandals in his party since then have further eroded Zelenskyy's lustre before the Ukrainian public. Public Servant's members 'very quickly began showing a propensity for corruption', analyst Fesenko said. 'And to that, Zelenskyy didn't have a solution.' 'Ukraine's Churchill' Most importantly, Zelenskyy's attempts to pacify Putin failed. The turning point was 2021, when Zelenskyy lost 'his naive belief that he could deal with Putin', Fesenko said. 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Zelenskyy relentlessly toured Western capitals giving speeches in his limited English and urging military and financial aid. He still occasionally cracked jokes that sometimes were lost in translation. His approval ratings among Ukrainians soared, especially after Russia withdrew from around Kyiv and northern Ukraine, was kicked out of the eastern Kharkiv region and left the southern city of Kherson, the biggest regional centre its forces had occupied. Western leaders such as Biden or British then-Prime Minister Boris Johnson saw their visits to Kyiv as a badge of honour and a chance to boost their own approval ratings. Zelenskyy began to realise his political and personal might. 'These days, he is power. He doesn't live the role, but feels fully comfortable within it,' psychologist Chunikhina said. 'He's still not against doing things differently, but he doesn't shut power like something inherently alien.' But though US President Donald Trump described Zelenskyy as a 'dictator' with a 4 percent approval rating last week, the Ukrainian leader remains widely popular. Amid his spat with Trump, Zelenskyy's ratings have actually jumped, up from 58 to about 65 percent, according to a February 21 survey. And his grip over power, say experts, is nothing like Putin's – at least not yet. The Russian leader has been in office since 1999. 'Zelenskyy is far from the stage of 'If there's no Putin – there's no Russia,' although one should remember that the risk of merging with the job is dangerous to any politician in any circumstances,' Chunikhina said. Zelenskyy emerging rival: Zaluzhnyi Yet to many in Ukraine, Zelenskyy is also increasingly a symbol of the country's military struggles. The 2023 and 2024 military campaigns didn't bring a victory. Counteroffensives have failed as US military aid has stalled for months – largely thanks to Trump's pressure on Republican members of Congress to withhold new funding for Kyiv. Meanwhile, Russia slowly but surely keeps occupying chunks of Donbas despite losing tens of thousands of troops in frontal assaults on Ukrainian positions. Moscow's troops have advanced in areas where, critics argue, Zelenskyy-appointed regional heads should have erected impregnable fortifications that cost billions of dollars on paper. Many blame Zelenskyy for the February 2024 firing of his top commander Valerii Zaluzhny, a taciturn, bear-like four-star general who currently serves as Ukrainian ambassador to the United Kingdom. Borislav Bereza, a former legislator with the nationalist UKROP party, claimed in a webposted video in late December that Zelenskyy's team may initiate criminal charges against Zaluzhnyi for allegedly ordering the removal of landmines between annexed Crimea and the southern Kherson region days before the invasion. Most of Kherson was taken over by Russia in early March 2022. In Zaluzhnyi, Zelenskyy may have found his nemesis and main political rival. Three-quarters of Ukrainians trust him, according to several polls, seeing him as a reliable father figure, an ideal protector. Just like Zelenskyy in 2018, Zaluzhnyi has never said a word about running for president – but is widely expected to contest the election, whenever it is held. 'If Zaluzhnyi takes part in the (presidential) vote, Zelenskyy loses,' Fesenko said. Many other political heavyweights such as former President Poroshenko and former Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenko are also expected to compete in a future presidential election. But observers warn that any new president will face challenges very different to the ones Zelenskyy confronted when he first entered office six years ago. Millions of Ukrainians have been uprooted, their hometowns and homes destroyed. Ukraine needs billions of dollars to build housing for them and restore infrastructure, while a dire demographic crisis may put an end to any hopes of full recovery. Zelenskyy's offer to resign might not have been only a tactical ploy. 'The presidential chair these days is an electric chair,' Kyiv-based analyst Oleh Saakyan said in televised remarks on February 20. 'No one wants to get there to immediately absorb all the negative stuff.'
