
Mark Haines coronial inquiry: police would have ‘turned that train over' if the teen had been non-Indigenous, uncle says
Don Craigie, whose nephew Mark Haines was found on the tracks outside Tamworth in regional New South Wales, said police didn't take the family's suspicions about foul play seriously.
Haines's body was discovered on the tracks in the early morning of 16 January 1988 after a train passed over it.
'That train would still be there if it was a white boy,' Craigie told an inquest re-examining Haines's death in Sydney on Friday.
'They would have turned that train over.'
The initial police investigation ruled Haines lay on the tracks either deliberately or in a dazed state after a car crash.
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A stolen white Holden Torana was found near the rail line with the windscreen smashed on the ground, leading police to believe it had rolled.
Haines's family and many friends told the inquest earlier this week that they maintained the teenager would never have driven or been a passenger in a stolen car.
They also believed he was not alone when he died and have pursued rumours about Tamworth locals either being involved or knowing more about his death.
Craigie told the inquest police didn't pursue all the information he gave them.
A senior police officer, Ch Supt Alan Donnelly, openly dismissed him when they saw each other in a Tamworth betting shop, Craigie said.
'He said to me 'Don, you never know what a 17-year-old boy would do, you never know what a 17-year-old Aboriginal boy would do',' he said.
Donnelly died in 2023.
Matthew Varley, the barrister representing NSW police, asked Craigie whether that sentiment was something the force should denounce.
'It's not for me to form that opinion whether they should denounce it or not, that's for them,' Craigie replied.
Varley showed Craigie a series of newspaper articles in which investigators appealed for more information in the years after Haines's death.
Police also interviewed several people over the following decade, pursuing leads Craigie gave them, according to statements and affidavits before the NSW coroner's court.
But Craigie insisted police did not adequately follow up his investigations and have treated deaths of non-Indigenous people very differently.
'I've seen a few deaths around Tamworth and they've pulled out all the stops,' Craigie said.
'And then there was others they did not pay too much attention to.'
He added: 'We want to know how our boy died.'
The inquest, which opened in April 2024, was due to conclude on Friday, but further hearings have been scheduled before the deputy state coroner, Harriet Grahame.
For information and support in Australia call 13YARN on 13 92 76 for a crisis support line for Indigenous Australians; or call Lifeline on 13 11 14, Mensline on 1300 789 978 and Beyond Blue on 1300 22 4636
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4 days ago
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The Guardian
6 days ago
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The massacre of sleeping settlers that unleashed a savage war in central Queensland
Warning: This article contains historical records that use racist and offensive language, and descriptions of events that will be distressing to some readers John McPherson catches his breath, his boots caked with mud after trudging 700 metres through a soggy paddock to reach the gravesite. Light rain falls as he stands before the headstone of his ancestor, whose life ended abruptly on this grassy plain in central Queensland more than a century ago. McPherson, a former journalist from northern New South Wales, has spent years investigating what unfolded here; a massacre on a lazy afternoon that unleashed a bloody war involving a founder of Australian rules football, the head of Australia's oldest company and an ancient people whose way of life would be forever altered. It is almost four years since research emerged suggesting that the sporting legend Tom Wills may have taken part in massacring Indigenous people, sparking internal investigations by both the AFL and Cricket Australia. But this is the first time McPherson, a descendant of the Wills family, has seen the site where the grim saga began. When the 66-year-old reaches the spot on a damp winter morning, the yellowed grass and sparse trees are shrouded in mist. 'It's got sort of a slightly eerie feel about it,' he says. 'Sort of struggling land, and graves.' Near his ancestor's headstone is a tree stump with an oval hollow in its trunk. It is a reminder that this was not always a place of death. Once it was a campsite; a gathering place for a vibrant people. The tree, too, signifies a great loss – less spoken about but no less profound – and one that McPherson has travelled 1,000km to acknowledge. The town of Springsure, about 300km west of Rockhampton, is a gateway to the tourist magnet of Carnarvon Gorge. It is home to 1,000 people and four motels, packed with fluoro-clad workers flown in to service the two nearby coalmines. Nods to the town's colonial history are everywhere: a stone monument at the council chambers celebrates the district's 'early pioneers'; sepia photos outside shopfronts show what each looked like in the 1860s; there are even track marks etched into sandstone rocks next to the highway, showing the paths of bullock drays carrying the settlers' supplies. Less evident is the history of the Aboriginal people who lived in the region for millennia before colonisation. But their spirit looms in the craggy mountains that tower over the town – in the caves where bones were laid to rest, the sacred ceremony sites and the haunted places that make the hairs of your arms stand on end. At a bustling lookout to one such mountain, Darryl Black sidles up to an unsuspecting tourist couple from Sydney. 'You want me to tell you about the rock?' he asks. They nod politely. Black, a Bidjara and Ghungalu man, is here most afternoons, enthusiastically telling tourists about the area's Aboriginal history. 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Horatio, who had developed positive relationships with the Djab Wurrung people in Victoria, arrived in central Queensland as long-simmering tensions between the local Aboriginal people and the colonists were about to boil over. Queensland had been established as a self-governing colony just two years earlier. The frontier was moving north, assisted by the notorious native police – contingents of Aboriginal troopers led by white officers tasked with protecting the livelihoods of settlers and punishing Aboriginal resistance. The native police had carried out a 'string of massacres' and 'terrorised' peaceful camps of Aboriginal people in the region in the years before 1861. About the same time there were reports of two Aboriginal boys being kidnapped from the area by white men. In one notable encounter, just three months before the Wills party arrived, a detachment of native police accompanied Jesse Gregson, the manager of the station neighbouring Cullin-la-ringo, to track down some lost sheep. They found them on the side of a ridge with a local Gayiri tribe. At least four Gayiri people were shot, according to native police records. Months later Horatio – who bore some resemblance to Gregson and rode a similar horse – set up camp at what would become his final resting place. Barely a week after the group's arrival, on 17 October, they were enjoying an afternoon siesta when the onslaught began. The newspapers listed the names of the 19 dead men, women and children alongside graphic accounts of how they were killed. Horatio was found lying on his back near his tent door, 'a deep tomahawk wound in his right cheek – the neck being nearly severed just below the same spot by a large wound, probably inflicted with an axe'. Sign up: AU Breaking News email Tom survived. He had been sent to collect supplies from a nearby town days earlier. So did two shepherds, one of whom rode to alert the nearest neighbour – Gregson – of the massacre. Gregson quickly assembled a group of settlers to bury the bodies. A dispatch from Queensland's first governor, George Ferguson Bowen, would later describe how 'an uncontrolled desire for revenge took possession of each heart'. The group set out to track the killers. They found them within days. As dawn approached, they surrounded the sleeping tribe. Official records show at least 30 Gayiri people were killed that day. Then the native police arrived. 'So this is where the native police caught up?' McPherson asks. He and Black are standing on a quiet road off the highway, looking across a paddock to a small mountain with a sheer cliff face at its peak. 'There were vigilantes and troopers, [they] chased them all the way through this range,' Black says. 'They shot them off the end of the hills here. They were in view of their range – that's what gets me every time. They were nearly home.' An article published in the Sydney Morning Herald two months later said the native police had shot 60 or 70 people, only stopping when they ran out of ammunition. 'One of the blacks who was shot, cried out, 'Me no kill white fellow!' showing plainly they well comprehended the proceeding,' it reads. Other letters boasted that 300 Aboriginal people had been killed. The exact number of casualties will never be known. In contrast to the Wills massacre, the details of the Gayiri's slaughter are scarce. The commanding officer of the native police wrote only: 'Their loss was heavy; and I consider that many were killed from falling over the cliffs.' Guardian Australia and the University of Newcastle's massacre map shows there were at least six mass killings of Aboriginal people in the months that followed. The eminent historian Henry Reynolds says Cullin-la-ringo was a turning point in Queensland's history, paving the way for 'warfare' between First Nations peoples and the settlers over control of the state's north. It would claim the lives of tens of thousands of Indigenous people over the decades that followed. Some groups, including the Gayiri, never recovered. A Gayiri man, Yamba Konrad Ross, learnt his family had been involved in a massacre during an urgent conversation with his great-uncle on his deathbed. 'He had a lot of old stories and even spoke some of the Gayiri language,' he recalls. 'He was emotional because it felt like he needed to teach me as much as he could before he actually passed.' His uncle spoke of slaughter. Of people hiding in fear. Sign up to Breaking News Australia Get the most important news as it breaks after newsletter promotion 'There was talk about a cow,' Ross says. 'Like dead cows or horses – open them up, pull out the insides and actually hide inside so you couldn't get found.' Ross has spent much of his life trying to find out who he is and where his people came from. His mother grew up on a mission at Woorabinda, away from her country, where she was discouraged from speaking her native language or acknowledging her culture. Her own mother had died young and she didn't know who her people were. Ross was raised between Melbourne and Katherine in the Northern Territory. After decades of research, he obtained documents from the Queensland State Archives confirming his ties to the Gayiri people. In 2008 he went to his country for the first time, spending an unsettling two days in Springsure. 'I'm a spiritual person,' he says. 'I couldn't sleep. I was having nightmares.' Aside from his great-uncle, Ross has been unable to track down many other kin. 'The legacy is just a tribe that's wiped out and forgotten about,' he says. 'It affects me directly because now my family is tiny. People are responsible for decimating a tribe – a tribe of beautiful people – and there's no repercussions.' The memorial site for the Wills massacre is a popular, if grim, tourist attraction. A mowed pathway leads to three graves: one for Horatio; another for the brother of Tom's former teammate, farmhand George Elliott, and a fellow worker, Thomas; and a mass grave for the rest of the workers and their children. Horatio's headstone says the group was 'barbarously murdered by the blacks'. The bones of the Gayiri killed in retribution were left where they fell. There is no memorial for them. The body of one of the dead men, shot while hiding in a tree, was displayed in the Australian and South Sea Islander Museum in Melbourne. From the early 1900s most of the Aboriginal people who remained in the region were taken to missions or reserves under new laws, ostensibly designed to 'protect' Indigenous people – but which placed strict controls over every aspect of their lives and kept them working in conditions tantamount to slavery. Cullin-la-ringo was taken over by Tom's younger brothers, Cedric and Horace, who came to blame Gregson for their father's death. The property was eventually sold but Cedric's great-grandson, also called Tom Wills, still owns a cattle station adjoining it. The younger Tom, now in his late 60s, inherited tomes of family letters, journals and memorabilia, which are carefully catalogued and stored in a shed. His grandparents didn't speak of massacres – 'they didn't talk about anything like that' – but his father had a keen interest in the family history that he passed on to his son. Tom says the family went on to build good relationships with Aboriginal people, despite what happened at Cullin-la-ringo, later employing them to work on the station. 'They talk about reconciliation – I think reconciliation started in the 1860s,' he says. Gregson – who helped slaughter dozens of Aboriginal people in the region – went on to become the longest-serving superintendent of the Australian Agricultural Company, better known today as AACo, a publicly listed $830-million company that controls the country's largest cattle herd. Tom Wills the elder, unsuited to farming life, returned to Melbourne. He went on to coach the first Aboriginal cricket team. Alcoholism ended his sporting career and, ultimately, his life. He killed himself in a state of delirium in 1880, aged 44. He was buried in an unmarked grave and disowned by his family. But the sportsman's image has undergone a transformation since the release of his biography and a fictionalised account of his life in Martin Flanagan's 1998 novel, The Call. He is now celebrated as an early pioneer for reconciliation and listed in the Australian Sporting Hall of Fame. There is a statue of him outside the MCG. There has been much debate over whether he was involved in killing Gayiri people after his father's death. A researcher sparked a furore in 2021 when he told the ABC he'd found a US newspaper article from 1895 in which an author, known only as 'G', claimed to give an account of Tom's involvement in a massacre. The Chicago Tribune article, which contained several inaccuracies, quoted him as saying: 'I cannot tell all that happened, but know we killed all in sight:' Several contemporaneous letters appear to support the theory, or at least show Tom's animosity towards Aboriginal people in the region after the massacre. Four days after returning to its scene, he asks his cousin to send him workers who 'will shoot every black they see'. A month later his mother writes to her children that 'Tom and the settlers around have well revenged [Horatio's] death'. But the younger Tom Wills, and Terry Wills Cooke, another family historian based in Victoria, are adamant that he did not take part in any killings, claiming that family records show Tom was elsewhere – at least during the first retaliation raid. Guardian Australia understands that the AFL, Cricket Australia and the Melbourne Cricket Club (MCC) commissioned a report by the Indigenous historians John Maynard and Barry Judd. The report, never released but seen by this masthead, was unable to find conclusive evidence to confirm or deny Tom's involvement in the direct massacre of Aboriginal people – but says 'where there is smoke, there is generally fire'. Its authors recommended that the three sporting bodies 'lend support' for a 'truth-telling process to be undertaken nationally'. Guardian Australia approached the AFL, Cricket Australia and the MCC for comment, but did not receive a response before publication. Yamba Konrad Ross accuses the organisations of 'trying to shovel the dirt under the carpet and just cover it up with their nice fancy rug'. To move forward, he wants to see further investigation and recognition of the Gayiri people alongside the tributes to Wills. The younger Tom Wills reckons the characterisation of his ancestor as a trailblazer for reconciliation is an accurate one. Wills Cooke says he was a 'very flawed character' and the broader context should be considered when evaluating words and actions from that time. 'We tend to judge what happened then as if it was today, but it wasn't,' he says. John McPherson, descended from Horatio's sister, is perhaps the only member of the family to believe that Tom Wills probably did kill Aboriginal people. He inadvertently stumbled on to the horror of Cullin-la-ringo while writing a thesis about the origins of AFL. His subsequent deep dive into Queensland's violent past caused him to face significant mental challenges. 'I just read so much material, way more than just the Cullin-la-ringo stuff, about people boasting about their killings,' he says. 'Like this is in the 1890s in Brisbane, people are around having high tea and it's like, 'Yes, let's go out on an Aboriginal hunt this weekend.' I was just horrified.' But the experience – and his interactions with Black in Springsure – have strengthened his resolve that these truths should be exposed. 'We need to acknowledge our history, because this isn't all that far in the past and generational trauma is a very real thing,' he says. Black continues to tell anyone who will listen about the people who were largely eradicated from the land. 'I see some of these people, when I'm trying to get them to come along, I see the ones who are a bit standoffish and don't really want to do it,' he says. 'But then, I love it when these types of people come along, because if you can make change with them, then you know you're doing all right.' Indigenous Australians can call 13YARN on 13 92 76 for information and crisis support; or call Lifeline on 13 11 14, Mensline on 1300 789 978 or Beyond Blue on 1300 22 4636 Lorena Allam is a professor at the Jumbunna Institute for Indigenous research at the University of Technology Sydney


Daily Record
6 days ago
- Daily Record
Stalker who harassed family of Lockerbie cop in charge of £357k Gaza fundraiser
Susan McNarey conducted a chilling two year stalking campaign on the family of the late Sir John Orr, claiming they had an affair and collaborated together to find cure for coronavirus. A woman who stalked the family of a top cop and his family is running a GoFundMe campaign for Gaza babies that has collected more than £357,000. Susan McNarey, 61, orchestrated a harassment campaign against the family of the late police chief Sir John Orr, who was in charge of the Lockerbie bomb inquiry. A sheriff at Dumfries Sheriff Court ordered McNarey to get urgent mental health treatment after she was put on trial over the stalking campaign in 2022. But after spending time in hospital, McNarey emerged to set up The Gaza Team, which claims to help hundreds of babies in the crisis zone stay alive. Sources close to the John Orr case claim McNarey's recent history makes her unsuitable to administer such sums of cash, with no proper scrutiny or accountability. One said: 'Sir John's family have been distressed to hear that this woman has raised such a massive amount of money after what they were put through. 'McNarey was lurking around their father's grave at a time when the family had gathered to pay their respects. She left a wreath with a disturbing message and seemed to believe the tangled story she had created in her own head. 'The Crown Office made clear that McNarey would be forced to seek psychiatric help.' Cash donated to a GoFundMe page goes straight to McNarey, who also collects further large sums direct to her Paypal account. She claims that every penny goes directly to supplying aid. McNarey appalled members of the Orr family after she turned up at the grave of the senior lawman - who was the former chief constable of Strathclyde Police - leaving a creepy wreath at the same time his loved ones had gathered to pay respects. She was accused of writing letters and emails that made wild claims about Orr, claiming she had an affair with him and that they collaborated together with their own experiments to find a cure for coronavirus. In a stalking campaign of more than two years, McNarey falsely claimed Sir John, who died in 2018 at 72, had been involved in torture, rape, human trafficking and prostitution. She claimed in court that Sir John's detective son paid to have her and her daughter attacked. But after being hit with a five year Non-Harassment Order against victims, McNarey emerged from hospital and set up the fundraiser for The Gaza Team, which she runs from her new home in Turkey. On the GoFundMe page, McNarey, 61, claims to be an expert in 'disaster management'. She writes: 'Hello, I'm Susan from Scotland, trained in disaster management and organising supply chains in areas of genocide, war, poverty and pandemic. 'Our pro-active ground teams in Gaza organise the regular distribution of baby formula, the daily cooking and distribution of food to displaced babies, orphans & children who would otherwise have starved. 'Join with us. We are all Gaza Team. YOU CAN SAVE A PALESTINIAN CHILDS LIFE TODAY.' Join the Daily Record WhatsApp community! Get the latest news sent straight to your messages by joining our WhatsApp community today. You'll receive daily updates on breaking news as well as the top headlines across Scotland. No one will be able to see who is signed up and no one can send messages except the Daily Record team. All you have to do is click here if you're on mobile, select 'Join Community' and you're in! If you're on a desktop, simply scan the QR code above with your phone and click 'Join Community'. We also treat our community members to special offers, promotions, and adverts from us and our partners. If you don't like our community, you can check out any time you like. To leave our community click on the name at the top of your screen and choose 'exit group'. If you're curious, you can read our Privacy Notice. McNarey adds: 'Our Gaza Team Baby Milk Distribution Program, providing regular baby milk for more than 330 babies.' Her Facebook page claims to have recently delivered 100 tonnes of baby milk formula to Gaza, despite an Israeli blockade. On Facebook, McNarey's claims have been widely challenged and she has been accused of ignoring or blocking those who are critical of her. At Dumfries Sheriff Court in 2022, McNarey sacked her lawyer and conducted her own defence. Sir John's sons - both police detectives - gave testimony against McNarey at court. McNarey, who ran a wood burning stove business in Ayrshire, claimed in court she worked in 'counter terrorism' for Margaret Thatcher's government between 1985 and 1988 and also had experience in 'disaster planning operations' from time spent in China. McNarey told the court: 'My defence is I'm trying to prevent deaths from coronavirus. The information I carry is life-threatening and onerous and correct.' The court heard she regularly visited the grave of Sir John and left sunflowers and notes signed 'Eva'. McNarey claimed she and Sir John jointly engaged in 'virological work' and carried out experiments into coronaviruses between 2005 and 2013. The fantasist also claimed she was the victim of an attempted murder after being set upon by '17 black belts' in 1993 while with a police surveillance officer, while carrying out investigations into Lockerbie. She alleged she was in a relationship with Sir John in the 1980s and the pair stayed together at a cottage in Cumbria. David Moran, a retired police detective who was a neighbour to McNarey's adoptive parents in Glasgow's Jordanhill, told the court McNarey contacted him repeatedly in 2019 in person and by letter. He told the court: 'You just need to read the letters to see it's all just nonsense, it was fantasy.' Despite taking the stand during the trial in 2022, McNarey was deemed unfit to stand trial. Sheriff Speir nonetheless held an Evidence of Facts Hearing over two days and believed it to be proven that McNarey engaged in a course of conduct that caused fear and alarm towards the sons of John Orr between June 2018 and September 2020 in Glasgow and at a cemetery in Kilmarnock. The Sheriff granted a Compulsion Order for 6 months, meaning that, due to the mental illness of the accused, she could not be sent to prison but must stay in hospital for treatment or have treatment in the community. The Sheriff also granted a Non Harassment Order for five years, ordering McNarey to keep away from the Orr brothers and another victim. Sir John Orr was back in the spotlight recently in the major drama about Lockerbie, where he was played by Peter Mullan. Sir John led the investigation into the terrorist atrocity on Pan Am Flight 103 that killed 270 people in December 1988. The former Kilmarnock chairman and grandad of eight was knighted by the Queen in 2001 for his services to policing. McNarey now claims to be based in Istanbul, Turkey, and claims her missionary work has led to serious illness and near death from exhaustion. In response to questions about how the money is spent, she claims to have sold a block of flats in Kilmarnock to fund her life. On Facebook, many cautionary posts have been made about The Gaza Team. When the Daily Record called McNarey, she said the funds from GoFundMe - and far more - was channelled through her own bank account to aid workers in Gaza. She said: 'We have two teams on the ground and we have clear evidence that our funds are directly saving the lives of babies in Gaza. 'If you write anything about this you will be killing babies in Gaza.' McNarey later sent several emails which revealed her ongoing obsession with the Lockerbie bombing, which she still believes she has crucial knowledge of. She also made further unsubstantiated claims about Sir John Orr. McNarey said her disaster planning expertise was gained at a college in Israel many years ago.