Watch: Texas police body camera footage shows recapture of escaped Orleans inmates
On Monday, May 26, 31-year-old Leo Tate and 42-year-old Jermaine Donald were found across Louisiana state line in Texas by Huntsville officers.
Eight inmates captured, two still at large following Orleans Parish jailbreak
The video shows officers in a pursuit behind the white vehicle reportedly being driven by Donald. In a second video, the vehicle is surrounded and Tate is seen being pulled out of the vehicle's back seat followed by Tate being pulled from the front.
The group has been on the run for 11 days following the May 16 escape through a hole cut in the wall at the Orleans Justice Center.
Tate was in custody for charges of simply burglary of an inhabited dwelling, possession of a firearm, illegal carrying weapon with a controlled substance. Donald faced charges of second-degree murder, aggravated battery, possession of firearm.
Boyfriend of Desire homicide victim arrested on murder allegations
Eight of the 10 escapees have been located and transferred to a state correctional facility. Also captured Monday was 27-year-old Lenton Vanburen who was captured in Baton Rouge.
Vanburen was in custody for illegal carrying weapons, illegal possession of firearm by felon, obstruction of justice, introduce contraband in prison
Antoine Massey and Derrick Groves remain at large.Sixth Orleans Parish Jail escapee captured in Baton Rouge, attorney general says
NPR sues Trump over order to cut funding
Collision 'sport' trending on social media turns deadly
Three-time U.S. Olympian earns new title, graduates from LSUS
Watch: Texas police body camera footage shows recapture of escaped Orleans inmates
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Yahoo
8 hours ago
- Yahoo
Trump's answer to numbers he doesn't like: Change them or throw them away
President Donald Trump presented inaccurate crime statistics to justify a federal takeover of D.C. police. He announced plans for the census to stop counting undocumented immigrants. And he ordered the firing of the official in charge of compiling basic statistics about the U.S. economy after a weak jobs report. This month marked an escalation in Trump's war on data, as he repeatedly tries to undermine statistics that threaten his agenda and distorts figures to bolster his policies. The latest instances come on top of actions the administration has taken across federal health, climate and education agencies to erase or overhaul data collection to align with the administration's agenda and worldview. Subscribe to The Post Most newsletter for the most important and interesting stories from The Washington Post. The president's manipulation of government data threatens to erode public trust in facts that leaders of both parties have long relied on to guide policy decisions. A breakdown in official government statistics could also create economic instability, restrain lifesaving health care and limit forecasts of natural disasters. Trump has routinely spread misinformation since the start of his political career, but his efforts in his second term to bend data to support his agenda have invited comparisons to information control in autocratic countries. 'What he's trying to do is to present the best possible picture of what he's doing, even if that means he has to cook the numbers, even if that means he has to distort the data,' said Robert Cropf, a political science professor at St. Louis University. 'It's basically a page from the authoritarian playbook.' Trump has also tried to use his social media megaphone to influence data produced by private companies. On Monday, he called for Goldman Sachs to replace a veteran economist who produced reports that warned that tariffs could cause inflation. But he may find himself in a game of whack-a-mole: On Thursday, a benchmark that measures the prices producers get for goods and services showed hotter-than-expected inflation, partly because of tariffs. Trump has not commented yet on the report. Other countries have demonstrated the risk of undermining statistics, which can erode citizens' trust in their government and nations' standing in the international community. China has been widely accused of inflating economic figures, prompting other countries to seek alternative data sources for a more trustworthy picture of the nation's financial situation. In Greece, the government produced false deficit numbers for years, and the government repeatedly sought to criminally prosecute the statistician who produced accurate budget figures. Argentina manipulated economic statistics for years to minimize the extent of inflation, even as consumers paid for significantly more expensive groceries and goods. The false deficit numbers in Greece contributed to the country's debt crisis. The cooked numbers in Argentina made it more difficult for the government to enact policies that could limit inflation, and citizens lost faith in the ability to trust the government data to inform major purchases. White House spokeswoman Taylor Rogers said that the president's actions are intended to 'restore' Americans' trust in data so they can make their own decisions. 'President Trump is preserving - not eroding - democracy by ensuring that the American people can rely on government data that actually reflects reality,' Rogers said in a statement. Government statistics have traditionally been considered more reliable and comprehensive than those collected by private sector companies motivated by profits, said Paul Schroeder, the executive director of the Council of Professional Associations on Federal Statistics. The data is needed to provide an accurate picture of what is happening. Without it, governments, corporations and individuals lack information that can inform decisions about everything from mortgage rates to weight loss. 'It's almost like an airline pilot losing his instrument panel when driving the plane,' Schroeder said of the erosion. Trump's decision to fire Bureau of Labor Statistics Commissioner Erika McEntarfer was widely condemned by statisticians and economists, who warned that the move could have a chilling effect on the work of federal number crunchers who produce reports the president doesn't like. Trump claimed without evidence that the nation's job statistics were 'rigged,' following a revision to the May and June jobs figures that showed the labor market was weaker than previously known. Revisions to job reports are common, but many economists have acknowledged falling response rates to government surveys, and long-standing budget strains have made it harder for economic agencies to collect and analyze reliable data. 'President Trump believes that businesses, households, and policymakers deserve accurate data to inform their decision-making, and he will restore America's trust in the BLS,' Rogers said. Trump's attempts to change how the government collects data have invited backlash, especially his proposal to overhaul the census amid a fight over redistricting. Civil liberties groups have said they would challenge any attempt to change the census, warning that the president's proposal to eliminate undocumented immigrants from the count could erode the political power and financial resources of diverse communities. The census is used not only to determine congressional seats but also to distribute federal funding and decide where to build schools. Trump justified his decision to deploy federal law enforcement and the National Guard on D.C. streets with claims that crime is surging in Washington, but violent crime in D.C. has been on the decline since 2023. The White House has cast doubt on the accuracy of local statistics, citing a July NBC News report that said that the District suspended a police commander accused of manipulating crime numbers in his district. Rogers added that the data 'doesn't change the on-the-ground reality that many D.C. residents and visitors have experienced on our streets.' In other instances, the administration has halted the collection of data that advocates and experts warn is essential for Americans' well-being and safety. At the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, scientists are now forbidden to collect gender data on any programs. That includes abortion data and information for sexually transmitted disease prevention, violence prevention and mental health programs. The lack of data could undermine efforts to prevent the spread of STDs and prevent school shootings and suicides. Federal collection of abortion data stopped on April 1 following widespread layoffs across the Department of Health and Human Services. Most states put out their own abortion data, but no other federal agency collects abortion data, according to a former CDC employee familiar with those programs. The government uses the data to predict birth rates, a crucial statistic that governments and businesses use to make decisions about the health system, education and the economy. CDC staff members are also no longer collecting concussion data for the creation of a concussion surveillance system, which has had strong bipartisan congressional support. The agency is also no longer analyzing data to prevent drowning - the leading cause of death in children aged 1 to 4 - because all of those staff members were laid off. Researchers have warned about the diminishing of data programs that are key to understanding the ever-evolving drug crisis in the United States - and to building the best prevention and treatment programs. In June, the Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration stopped updating the Drug Abuse Warning Network, a nationwide surveillance system of drug use trends and insights drawn from emergency department visits. The loss of that data will make it more difficult for researchers such as Daniel Ciccarone, a professor at the University of California at San Francisco School of Medicine, to track street drugs and overdoses. Ciccarone studies trends in the fentanyl supply, which kills tens of thousands of Americans each year, as well as new synthetic drugs seeping into regional supplies. 'We need surveillance data at a historic time of an undulating drug supply - we don't know what's going to happen next,' Ciccarone said. Public health advocates have raised concerns about the future of the National Youth Tobacco Survey, an annual report that measures how young people are using nicotine products. The report helped alert the country to the epidemic of teen vaping and led to stricter controls on the industry. The program has long been run through the Food and Drug Administration and the CDC's Office on Smoking and Health, which was shut down in the spring. An HHS spokesperson did not respond when asked about the future of the survey, saying only that the CDC 'remains deeply committed to tobacco prevention and control and … continues to support this critical public health priority through a range of efforts, including outreach, education, and surveillance.' The Trump administration has also discontinued dozens of climate databases and government-funded studies, including efforts to quantify the damage caused by natural disasters and to understand how the heaviest rainfall will intensify as the planet warms. Officials have removed key climate data and reports from the internet. The administration took down the website of the U.S. Global Change Research Program, which shared congressionally mandated reports about climate change impacts across the country. And it deleted a repository for research and forecasts, though it said such information would continue to be posted on a National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration website. Trump's budget proposal for NOAA would eliminate nearly all of the agency's labs focused on climate, weather and oceans - institutions whose studies are key to weather and climate forecasting and improving our understanding of everything from summer thunderstorms to the El Niño climate pattern. Businesses rely on this data to inform plans for tourism, fisheries and shipping. The changes reflect the administration's commitment to 'eliminating bias and producing Gold Standard Science research driven by verifiable data,' Rogers said in a statement. As the Trump administration attempts to shutter the Education Department, its ability to publish accurate and timely data was thrown into question after deep cuts to the department's staff. Virtually the entire staff of the National Center for Education Statistics was laid off, and while much of the work is done by contractors, researchers worry that there are no longer enough government workers to check and disseminate collected data. The center's work is critical to researchers, policymakers and journalists, with a wide range of data including the demographics of students and schools, courses offered, crime on campuses, and school spending. Already, the Education Department missed its June deadline to publish the annual Condition of Education report, the authoritative source for education data from preschool through university. The agency has continued to publish some data tables but far fewer than in past years. The Trump administration has also called for more information about the consideration of applicants' race in college admissions. 'Greater transparency is essential to exposing unlawful practices and ultimately ridding society of shameful, dangerous racial hierarchies,' Trump said in a memorandum issued last week, as he ordered the Education Department to begin collecting detailed data from all colleges that receive federal financial aid. That includes grades and test scores for both applicants and students, broken down by race. The White House has argued that a lack of data has hindered enforcement of a 2023 Supreme Court ruling that the use of race-conscious admissions is unconstitutional. But a higher education leader argued that the information requested won't provide good data: Applicants don't disclose their race, and while colleges do survey students who enroll, participation is voluntary, and even those who respond may choose not to disclose their race. 'They're going to gather a bunch of information and try to make sense of it,' said Ted Mitchell, president of the American Council on Education. 'I worry that they're not going to be able to make much sense of it.' The impact of these changes could affect the nation long after Trump leaves office, Cropf said. Even if the government resumes collecting data, there will be gaps from the Trump era, and the public may view the figures as more politicized. 'It taints the waters,' he said. 'It seriously undermines faith in our institutions if we can't have any guarantees the institutions are providing us with reliable data or that they're making decisions based on reliable data.' - - - Lena H. Sun and Susan Svrluga contributed to this report. Related Content Ukraine scrambles to roll back Russian eastern advance as summit takes place Her dogs kept dying, and she got cancer. Then they tested her water. D.C.'s homeless begin to see the effects of Trump's crackdown
Yahoo
12 hours ago
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Why the U.S. and China Are Playing Nice
Credit - Getty Images The U.S. and the People's Republic of China are strategic rivals in the battle for global leadership in the 21st century. So it was no surprise when President Donald Trump hit China with 20% tariffs in the first few weeks of his second term and then imposed reciprocal tariffs of 34% on 'Liberation Day.' And when Trump a few days later lowered tariff rates for everyone else to calm markets, he quadrupled duties on China to a whopping 145%. But all that now feels like ancient history. Over the past four months, Trump has bent over backwards to be kind to Beijing. The two sides announced a 90-day ceasefire in Geneva in early May, agreeing to reduce tariffs and negotiate their differences over export controls and other issues. (Remaining U.S. tariffs on China are still at roughly 55%, and China's tariffs on the U.S. stand at almost 33%. These are historically high levels, but not sufficient to outright stop trade.) Further discussions in London and Stockholm made enough progress for the two sides this week to announce another extension of the ceasefire, with the White House praising Beijing for being cooperative and flexible in the negotiations to date. Read More: Why Trump Will Blink First on China In the same vein, the Trump Administration has not shut down TikTok in the U.S. despite the fact that it is still Chinese-controlled, in contravention of American law; it denied a transit visa for Taiwanese President William Lai; and it is allowing Nvidia and AMD to sell advanced chips in China despite originally blocking many of these sales, following a pay-for-play deal. So why the sudden about-face on China? It is doubly odd given the U.S.'s simultaneous tough tact toward other members of the BRICS—a rival to the U.S.-led G7 that includes Brazil, Russia, India, and South Africa—not to mention many of America's traditional allies. Three reasons stand out. First, both Washington and Beijing now have proven weapons that are restraining the aggressive instincts of the other side. Unlike others who caved in to Trump's pressure, Beijing retaliated, first with its own high tariffs, and then, more importantly, with restrictions on rare earth minerals, over which they have a global chokehold. Once Trump began lowering most of the initial reciprocal tariffs and calling for talks with Xi, they had confidence that restricting rare earths minerals and magnets would be met not with counterstrikes but with concessions. That includes the Trump Administration backing off imposing new export controls on several technologies and scrapping their threat to 'aggressively revoke' Chinese student visas. Beijing now believes it has perfected the recipe for making a 'TACO' ('Trump always chickens out'). Second, Trump and Xi both have an interest in strengthening economic confidence at home. With persistent overcapacity and price wars across industrial and consumer sectors, 'involution' has become the word of the year in China, a nod to the excessive competition that is hurting local businesses. Xi needs to shore up government finances, consolidate industries, and avoid further international barriers to Chinese exports and investment. The U.S.'s current economic picture is stronger, but constituents in town halls across the country have expressed deep worries about lost export markets, inflation, budget deficits, and a potential recession. Third, both Trump and Xi want to meet each other, most likely in the Fall in Asia. Trump has been signaling his desire for direct communication with Xi since at least April. He wants to assemble a deal that he can sell at home as boosting U.S. business opportunities and stopping the fentanyl epidemic, given China's role in producing most of the precursors in the synthetic opiod that is trafficked to America. The Chinese have played hard to get, privately saying any summit must be preceded by detailed negotiations and planning. Based on my conversations with experts in China in recent weeks, Xi wants to avoid being disrespected, as Ukrainian President Zelensky and other world leaders were during their White House visits. And with Trump making concession after concession, Beijing may want to consolidate its recent gains and aim even higher, perhaps inducing Trump to make further compromises over tariffs, export controls, and Taiwan. Read More: It's Time for Trump and Xi to Meet Although one should not dismiss the value of stable ties between the world's two largest economies, each equipped with massive stockpiles of nuclear weapons, this warming trend is unlikely to last very long. Both sides prefer calmness now because it aligns with their short-term interests. Chinese official rhetoric aside, neither side sees the relationship in cooperative terms, and neither is willing to take major steps to provide strategic reassurance to the other. The underlying fundamental challenges created by the countries' deep divisions over their economic ties, the potential for conflict over Taiwan and other hotspots, and their competing visions of the international order can only be papered over for so long. At some point Beijing may run out of luck, and either not concede enough in negotiations or push too hard to make a TACO, and instead generate a Trumpian tirade or policy overreaction. Trump's unpredictability make linear extrapolations of any U.S. policy or strategy a risky bet. At some point, for either reasons of policy or fashion, the U.S.'s current gentle approach toward Beijing is likely to eventually harden, and for a new scene in the drama to unfold. Read More: Why China Can't Win a Trade War Beijing knows no deal with Trump is permanent. They will enjoy the peace and quiet as long as they can, but they know they need to be prepared for the next round of escalation—whenever it arrives. Other countries, companies, and markets should, too. Contact us at letters@ Solve the daily Crossword
CNN
14 hours ago
- CNN
Analysis: Putin's wins leave Trump with hard choices
Russian President Vladimir Putin got everything he could have hoped for in Alaska. President Donald Trump got very little — judging by his own pre-summit metrics. The question now is whether Trump secured any moderate gains or planted seeds for Ukraine's future security if there's an eventual peace deal with Russia that were not immediately obvious after Friday's summit. And he's left with some searing strategic questions. Despite Trump's claim to have made 'a lot of progress' and that the summit was a '10 out of 10,' all signs point to a huge win for the Russian autocrat. Trump's lavish stage production of Putin's arrival Friday, with near-simultaneous exits from presidential jets and red-carpet strolls, provided some image rehabilitation for a leader who is a pariah in the rest of the West and who is accused of war crimes in Ukraine. And by the end of their meeting, Trump had offered a massive concession to his visitor by adopting the Russian position that peace moves should concentrate on a final peace deal — which will likely take months or years to negotiate — rather than a ceasefire to halt the Russian offensive now. As CNN's Nick Paton Walsh pointed out, that just gives Putin more time to grind down Ukraine. Most importantly, Trump has, at least for now, backed away from threats to impose tough new sanctions on Russia and expand secondary sanctions on the nations that buy its oil and therefore bankroll its war. He'd threatened such measures by a deadline that expired last week out of frustration with Putin's intransigence and a growing belief the Russian leader was 'tapping' him along. This leverage may have brought Putin to Alaska. But Trump seems to have relaxed it for little in return. 'Because of what happened today, I think I don't have to think about that now,' Trump said in an interview with Fox News after the summit. The meeting began with a B-2 stealth bomber and F-22 fighters roaring overhead in a dramatic moment of US superpower signaling. But Putin one-upped that symbolism by greeting Trump with the words 'Good afternoon, dear neighbor,' as he leveraged the summit's location in Alaska to imply that the two countries had important and immediate mutual interests that should not be disrupted by a distant war in Europe. For Ukrainians and their European allies — who were shut out of the meeting and whom Trump briefed afterward —there was at least a moment of relief that Trump didn't sell Kyiv out. The fact that a US-Russia land swap plan didn't emerge from Alaska is a win for Europe's emergency pre-summit diplomacy. Still, Trump hinted that he will pile pressure on Ukraine's leader when they meet at the White House on Monday. It's 'now up to President Zelensky to get it done,' Trump told Fox News in the friendly post-summit interview, after refusing to answer questions with Putin in what had been billed as a joint press conference. Before the summit, Trump obliterated careful efforts by his staff to lower expectations when he told Fox, 'I won't be happy if I walk away without some form of a ceasefire.' The failure to get there is important. Russia is happy to commit to a detailed peace process with interminable negotiations that would allow it to continue fighting — including in its increasingly successful summer offensive — while it talks. But Ukrainians are desperate for relief from years of Russian drone and missile attacks on civilians as a generation bleeds out on World War I-style battlefields. Peace talks without a ceasefire will leave it open to Russian or US pressure. Trump's zeal to work for peace in Ukraine is commendable, even if his repeated public requests for a Nobel Peace Prize raise questions about his ultimate motives. And one upside of the summit is that the US and Russia — the countries with the biggest nuclear arsenals — are talking again. But the underlying premise of Trump's peacemaking is that the force of his personality and his supposedly unique status as the world's greatest dealmaker can end wars. That myth is looking very ragged after his long flight home from Alaska. And by falling short of his own expectations in the Alaska summit, Trump left himself with some tough calculations about what to do next. ► Does he revert to his previous attempts to pressure Ukraine in search of an imposed peace that would validate Putin's illegal invasion and legitimize the idea that states can rewrite international borders, thereby reversing a foundation of the post-World War II-era? ► Or as the dust settles, and he seeks to repair damage to his prestige, does he revert to US pressure and sanctions to try to reset Russian calculations? He at least left open the possibility of sticks rather than carrots in his Fox interview, saying: 'I may have to think about it in two weeks or three weeks or something, but we don't have to think about that right now.' ► Alternatively, Trump could commit to the Russian vision of talks on a final peace agreement. History shows that this would be neither quick nor honored by the Russians over the long term. He's hoping for a three-way summit between Putin, Zelensky and himself. That would satisfy his craving for spectacle and big made-for-TV events. But after Friday's evidence that Russia doesn't want to end the war, it's hard to see how it would create breakthroughs. ► Another possibility is that Trump simply gets discouraged or bored with the details and drudgery of a long-term peace process that lacks big, quick wins he can celebrate with his supporters. 'A large part of (Trump) is all about style. There's not a lot of real enjoyment of getting into the substance of things,' Jim Townsend, a former deputy assistant secretary of defense for European and NATO policy who is now affiliated with the Center for New American Security, said before the summit. 'He likes the meringue on top. And I think that's how you can be manipulated.' Trump's style-before-substance strategy clearly backfired in Alaska. Putin appeared far more prepared as Trump winged it. In retrospect, it's hard to see what the Russian president offered to US envoy Steve Witkoff in the Kremlin that convinced the administration that the Alaska talks were a good idea. And Russia is clearly playing on Trump's desire for photo-op moments in the expectation that it can keep him engaged while offering few other concessions. Trump may remain the best hope for peace in Ukraine. He can speak directly to Putin, unlike Ukraine or its European allies. Ultimately, US power will be needed to guarantee Ukrainian security, since Europeans lack the capacity to do it alone. And the US retains the capability to hurt Russia and Putin with direct and secondary sanctions. But Trump has to want to do it. And for now he seems back under Putin's spell. The Russian leader's transparent manipulation of the US president and Trump's credulity will worry Ukraine. On Fox, Trump said Putin praised his second term, saying the US was 'as hot as a pistol' and he had previously thought the US was 'dead.' Putin also publicly reinforced Trump's talking point that the invasion three years ago would 'never have happened' if he had been president. 'I'm quite sure that it would indeed be so. I can confirm that,' said Putin. Trump told Fox's Sean Hannity that he was 'so happy' to hear validation from Putin and also that the Russian leader had reinforced another one of his false claims, telling him that 'you can't have a great democracy with mail-in voting.' That a US president would take such testimony at face value from a totalitarian strongman is mind-boggling — even more so in the light of US intelligence agency assessments that the Russians interfered in the 2016 election to help Trump win. Ultimately, events in Alaska drove a hole through a White House claim in a recent statement that Trump is 'the President of Peace.' Trump has touted interventions that cooled hostilities in standoffs between India and Pakistan; Rwanda and the Democratic Republic of Congo; Thailand and Cambodia; and Armenia and Azerbaijan to argue he's forging peace around the globe at an extraordinary clip. 'I seem to have an ability to end them,' Trump said on Fox of these conflicts. He does deserve credit for effectively using US influence in these efforts, including with the unique cudgel of US trade benefits. He has saved lives, even if the deals are often less comprehensive than meets the eye. But his failure so far to end the Ukraine war that he pledged would be so easy to fix — along with US complicity in the humanitarian disaster in Gaza — means a legacy as a peacemaker and the Nobel Prize that he craves remain out of reach. Once, he predicted he could end the Ukraine war in 24 hours. Despite his bluster, a comment on Fox shows that after Alaska, he has a better understanding of how hard it will be. 'I thought this would be the easiest of them all and it was the most difficult.'
