Freedom's Legacy; Honouring the Past, Shaping the Future
Mphumzi Mdekazi is the CEO of the Walter and Albertina Sisulu Foundation for Social Justice.
Image: Supplied
Address by Mphumzi Mdekazi, CEO of the Walter and Albertina Sisulu Foundation for Social Justice, to the BRICS Student Community, University of Zululand.
Chairperson, esteemed faculty members, students, BRICS family and comrades
It is both a privilege and a responsibility to join you during this Freedom Month — a time intended not only for commemoration, but for critical reflection. The theme before us, 'Freedom's Legacy: Honoring the Past, Shaping the Future', invites us to assess South Africa's democratic journey since 1994 and to interrogate, with intellectual honesty, the nature of the freedom we have inherited — and the future we are constructing.
Thirty years ago, South Africa captivated the world with its peaceful transition from apartheid to democracy. That moment was not the endpoint of struggle but rather, as Nelson Mandela reminded us, 'only the beginning of our long walk to freedom.'
The architects of our democratic order laid out a vision of inclusive political rights, redress for historical injustice, and a developmental state capable of transforming our socio-economic landscape.
But today, as we stand at the confluence of hope and frustration, we must ask: what has become of that vision? And more provocatively: has freedom as we imagined it been deferred, diluted, or even betrayed?
The Promise and Its Erosion
To answer this, we must confront uncomfortable truths. While the Constitution remains a remarkable achievement — a globally admired charter for human rights and democratic governance — constitutionalism alone has proven to be insufficient to deliver material socio-economic transformation. South Africa remains one of the most unequal societies in the world. Youth unemployment approaches 45%, and inequality, measured by the Gini coefficient, is structurally embedded. The liberation dividend has not reached the majority in any sustained or equitable way.
This is not merely a failure of policy; it is a deeper crisis on the lack of political will, glorified mediocrity, lack of institutional coherence, and paucity of ethical leadership at almost all levels.
Students as emerging young scholars yourselves, you will recall that Frantz Fanon warned in The Wretched of the Earth, that 'The national middle class discovers its historical mission: that of intermediary… It turns its back on the general masses, arrogantly ignores them, and ventures to seek its own salvation.'
Yes, it does because;
In post-apartheid South Africa, many of our political, economic and bureaucratic elites have indeed pursued a narrow, transactional nationalism, one that privileges elite incorporation over systemic transformation.
What then Went Wrong?
Firstly, the political settlement of the early 1990s, while remarkable for its avoidance of civil war, arguably represented a pacted transition rather than a revolutionary rupture. Property relations were largely preserved. The economic architecture inherited from apartheid — highly financialised, extractive, and externally oriented — was insufficiently challenged.
Neoliberal policy pivots such as GEAR (Growth, Employment and Redistribution) signalled an early retreat from redistribution and structural reform.
'This in my books is the first reason why the spirit of Ibrahim Traore must be born in you'.
Secondly, the state itself became a site not of capability and efficiency, but of capture. The Zondo Commission, while surgically negated white and apartheid crimes, it offered forensic insight into the anatomy of state capture — not merely an aberration but a symptom of deeper institutional decay. What shocked many was not just the scale of corruption, but the impunity that followed. Few high-profile prosecutions have materialised, in-fact no one has been jailed from that expensive exercise.
This failure to prosecute erodes trust in the criminal justice system and reinforces the cynicism of a generation already alienated from formal politics. This is deliberate to protect those implicated by that commission, and who occupy significant political positions. I characterise this as 'toxic political selectivity', to cover each other's back because it edifies the rot and stands in direct contrast to what our political forefathers stood for, it undermines every form of renewal.
'This in my books is the second reason why a spirit of Ibrahim Traore must be born in you', so that you practically challenge this entrenched selective justice.
Thirdly, there has been a steady erosion of democratic responsiveness. South Africa remains politically free, but many communities experience that freedom as thin and abstract. Elections occur regularly in what I call a 'ritualistic cycle', but the state often fails to deliver even the most basic services, as potholes are becoming fashionable across the country.
Democracy, in its procedural sense (ritualistic cycle), survives — but its substantive promise of dignity, equality, and accountability remains elusive. Could it be we have entrusted all these important developmental dimensions to people who are more worried about the next elective conferences or genuinely concerned about the future of our next generation? Only time will tell.
Remember, not a single young person is responsible for all these monumental failures and governance transgressions, and;
'this in my book is more of a third reason why the spirit of Ibrahim Traore must appropriately be born in you to demand what you rightfully deserve', (which is Your bright future as young people).
'A New Political Moment'?
We now find ourselves entering what may be a new political era: the formation of a Government of National Unity after the 2024 general elections marks a significant departure from three decades of single-party dominance. Does this moment hold promise?
Possibly not. This is because of the fact that, the glue that holds GNU together is primarily to shield Phala Phala scandal at all costs, which is currently a bargaining tool for some. That is why you don't hear anything around 'Anti-Corruption Charter from the vocab of their statement of intent, let alone targets and time frames on any of the proposed programs. The GNU foundation is currently fragile, not solid because it is centred around the protection of one man, not the country's needs. This view is opportunistically echoed by the former Chief Justice Zondo, when he recently spoke at an anti-corruption conference at Nelson Mandela University in Gqeberha.
Former Chief Justice Zondo had this to say, and I quote:
'The President's decision not to resign and clear his name over Phala Phala scandal undermined the fight against corruption and set a bad precedent for future heads of state facing allegations of serious misconduct, when you think about ethical leadership, there can be no doubt that if the President had insisted that he would resign and carried out that decision, he would have given this country an important tool to use against corruption and wrong doing because for any President after him, the nation would have been able to say should that president face serious allegations of wrongdoing, they should resign, that's what former Chief Justice Zondo said'.
What the former Chief Justice forgets is that he was the enabler of all this, as far to ensure that even the campaign documents are sealed even today.
Then the question arises; why is the former Chief Justice only raising this now, yet he had all the opportunity to raise it while he was still in the office, let alone ignoring calls from South Africans who originally shared this view, such as Judge Sandile Ngcobo? This is intellectual dishonesty from Judge Zondo's side. It is sanctimonious duty for intellectuals to heal societies with their ink by consistently speaking truth to power when it matters most.
Maybe on the other hand that is why proponents of GNU must resist the temptation to romanticize consensus and avoid truth telling because of 'temporary packs'.
A legitimate and genuine GNU is not inherently virtuous. Its value lies in whether it can arrest institutional decay, cultivate ethical leadership, and deliver inclusive growth. It must be judged not by its symbolism, but by its outcomes — particularly for young people, who remain structurally marginalised.
As intellectuals, we must also ask: does the GNU signify merely a tactical alliance to preserve elite stability? The answer is unclear, but the question must be posed. If GNU is all about the 'markets', then that's a sufficient 'fourth reason why an Ibrahim Traore is now demanded from you as Young People'.
The Role of BRICS: Global Alignments, Local Impacts
One would foretell that BRICS was a foregone economic embryonic block in spiritual thought, given the foresight and the benefit of hindsight from the efforts of our political forebears. Inevitably BRICS was going to be born; Walter Sisulu's meeting with Chairman Mao in China and later his meeting accompanied by Mama Albertina Sisulu to President Mikhail Gorbarchev on October Revolution day in Kremlin (Russia), had all the hallmarks of foresightedness and visionary leadership for an alternative global economic bloc. The theme of their visit was Soviet Afro- Asian Solidarity.
This means that South Africa's role in BRICS was originally framed as part of a new geopolitical narrative — one where emerging powers might recalibrate global governance in favor of the Global South. In theory, BRICS offers an alternative to Western hegemony and a platform for multipolarity. But has BRICS delivered?
The reality is mixed. South Africa's engagement in BRICS has yielded important political capital, but its material benefits — in trade, investment, or technology transfer — have been limited. Moreover, BRICS itself is not ideologically coherent: its members include both democratic and authoritarian regimes, capitalist and state-controlled economies. Without a shared vision for justice and development, BRICS risks becoming an empty acronym.
For BRICS to serve as an agent of global equity, South Africa must use its seat at the table to advocate not just for state interests, but for the interests of African people — particularly the youth. This demands clarity of purpose, diplomatic agility, and moral courage.
On Youth and Leadership
In this context, the emergence of young African leaders such as Ibrahim Traoré of Burkina Faso has provoked interest and controversy. His rise has galvanised many young people who feel disillusioned with post-independence leadership across the continent. He is using his charisma and popular engagement to effect institutional reform and advance constitutional governance. His rhetoric is bold and intellectually rigorous.
Still, Traoré's emergence speaks to a generational hunger for rupture — for a decisive break with stagnation, corruption, and neocolonial dependence. South African youth are similarly searching for alternatives: not merely new leaders, but new paradigms. This is the intellectual and political challenge before us — to re-imagine and build democratic forms that are participatory, equitable, and emancipatory.
History is teaching us that not all democracies and democratic elections are for the people, and not all democratic elections produce democratic leaders nor do they produce democratic dispensations. Similarly, history now teaches us that not all coups are bad nor do some of them produce bad national leadership, the world and its systems are in motion; a case in point is what we are witnessing in the Sahel Region (Burkina Faso, Niger and Mali).
Is Democracy Alpha and Omega?
Which brings us to a final provocation: Is democracy the alpha and omega of our struggle?
Democracy, as we have practiced it, is necessary — but not sufficient. It provides the procedural architecture for freedom, but not its content. We must distinguish between democracy as ritual (elections, speeches, consultations) and democracy as lived experience (access to economic opportunity, basic services, voice, and agency).
As the late Prof. Mahmood Mamdani has argued, the postcolonial state often reproduces colonial logics unless deliberately reconstructed. We cannot content ourselves with forms if they are hollowed of substance. In this case, we don't need to go far; let us just go to the Western Cape in Khayelitsha, either in Site C, Nkanini, Mfuleni or Philippi etc and see the plight of a black man there, we are told that's where democracy thrives or you may want to gauge the impact and effectiveness of our 'democratic GNU'.
True democracy must be redistributive. It must be feminist. It must be ecological. It must be pan-African in outlook. And above all, it must be centred on the aspirations of youth — not merely as future leaders, but as present-day citizens. Probably that's more the reason we urgently need a Traore than a Zelenskyy in our shores, or more Traores in the African Continent for that matter.
Conclusion: A Generational Mandate
Let me end with the words of Kwame Nkrumah: 'The independence of Ghana is meaningless unless it is linked up with the total liberation of the African continent.' Likewise, our political freedom is incomplete without social and economic liberation.
This is your generational mandate, as students of Zululand University, it should all begin here. Not merely to inherit democracy, but to deepen it. Not merely to oppose corruption, but to build competence. Not merely to critique the world, but to re-imagine and rebuild it.
You are not too young. You are not too late. The time is now. The tools are in your hands — knowledge, organisation, solidarity and focus. Let this be the decade in which South African youth reclaims the democratic project, not as dogma, but as an evolving expression of socio-economic justice.
Let us not betray the legacy of freedom by settling for survival. Let us honour it by building a future worthy of the struggle that gave us life.
In the words of Amílcar Cabral: "Let us not betray the legacy of freedom by settling for survival. Let us honour it by building a future worthy of the struggle that gave us life. Freedom is not a trophy to be hoarded. It is a flame to be passed on — not as ashes, but as fire.'
I thank you.
* Address by Mphumzi Mdekazi, CEO of the Walter and Albertina Sisulu Foundation for Social Justice, to the BRICS Student Community, University of Zululand.
** The views expressed do not necessarily reflect the views of IOL or Independent Media.
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles

IOL News
2 hours ago
- IOL News
India surpasses Japan to become the world's 4th largest economy
This pivotal moment led by India Prime Minister Narendra Modi underscores India's commitment to amplifying the voice of the Global South and fostering deeper ties with Africa. Image: EPA-EFE/HEIN HTET IN a defining moment within our Epoch, India has officially overtaken Japan to become the fourth-largest economy in the world. As confirmed by leading assessments from the International Monetary Fund (IMF), World Bank, and other key institutions. This milestone is not just a reflection of economic growth; it is a powerful statement about the rising potential of the Global South, particularly for countries within the BRICS+ nations. Projections also indicate that India is on course to overtake Germany by 2027, further cementing its position on the global stage. For our Centre, focused on exploring alternative pathways for the Global South and the BRICS+ framework. India's rise provides profound insights and tangible lessons as we collectively navigate the challenges of colonial legacies, pervasive poverty, and stark inequality. India's journey also aligns with our research focus on the developments centred around the African Union (AU), with particular interest in its recent role as chair of the 2023 G20, during which the AU was granted permanent membership after India's proposal for the AU's full membership into the G20. This pivotal moment, led by Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, underscores India's commitment to amplifying the voice of the Global South and fostering deeper ties with Africa. Video Player is loading. Play Video Play Unmute Current Time 0:00 / Duration -:- Loaded : 0% Stream Type LIVE Seek to live, currently behind live LIVE Remaining Time - 0:00 This is a modal window. Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window. Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps Reset restore all settings to the default values Done Close Modal Dialog End of dialog window. Advertisement Video Player is loading. Play Video Play Unmute Current Time 0:00 / Duration -:- Loaded : 0% Stream Type LIVE Seek to live, currently behind live LIVE Remaining Time - 0:00 This is a modal window. Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window. Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps Reset restore all settings to the default values Done Close Modal Dialog End of dialog window. Next Stay Close ✕ For many pundits, India's rise to this unprecedented economic status was not a product of chance. This pivotal development signifies India's commitment to elevating the voice of the Global South and fostering deeper economic ties with Africa. For our Centre, focused on exploring alternative pathways for the Global South, India's journey serves as both a profound inspiration and a valuable guide as we collectively address the enduring challenges of colonial legacies, pervasive poverty, and stark inequality. While we recognise ongoing challenges such as equitable growth and job creation, key catalytic projects under Modi's leadership have catapulted India to the table of nations. This can largely be attributed to the decisive leadership of Modi. Under his stewardship since 2014, India has ascended to become a formidable IT resource hub, with talented Indians now at the helm of some of the largest fintech companies globally. This remarkable transformation exemplifies Modi's vision for an economically vibrant and technologically advanced nation. Our continent stands at a crucial turning point in its journey. Our collective histories speak of tales of colonial exploitation, and our current realities contend with poverty, inequality, and enduring unemployment. Africa and India are still behind the Global North and Advanced Asia, but India is quickly catching up, having embraced its colonial past not as an impediment but a lesson of courage and resilience. India's remarkable rise to become the world's fourth-largest economy demonstrates that with visionary leadership and political will, we, too, can transition from the peripheries of the global economy. It is possible, and India is paving the way for a new path to prosperity for its population of more than 1.2 billion people. The Global South is rising. India's position should serve as a realignment of the global economic order, emphasising the power of South-to-South cooperation. India's achievement in becoming the world's fourth-largest economy within our lifetime is not merely an Indian milestone; it is a beacon of hope for Africa and a testimony to what is attainable. 'The last shall be first and the first shall be the last.' India's achievement is not only a milestone for India, it serves as a beacon for Africa and reaffirms that countries of the Global South can transform their economic futures and their fate. We truly draw inspiration from these moments. * Phapano Phasha is the chairperson of The Centre for Alternative Political and Economic Thought. ** The views expressed here do not reflect those of the Sunday Independent, IOL, or Independent Media.


Daily Maverick
6 hours ago
- Daily Maverick
Protecting our children: A call to honour our commitment to future generations
In May each year, South Africa pauses to reflect on one of its most urgent responsibilities: protecting its children. While many countries mark a day or a week focused on children's rights, South Africa is among the few with a dedicated Child Protection Month — a national effort that signals deep political and moral commitment. That commitment is rooted in the legacy of former president Nelson Mandela, whose words continue to echo: 'There can be no keener revelation of a society's soul than the way in which it treats its children.' The 16th of June 2025, commemorated as Youth Day in this country, and the Day of the African Child continentally, will mark 30 years since South Africa ratified the Convention on the Rights of the Child. Adopted in 1989, the convention is the most ratified human rights treaty in the world and was the first international human rights treaty ratified by South Africa under its new democratic government. And yet, despite this legacy, thousands of children in South Africa continue to face violence, exploitation and neglect. Child Protection Month is not simply a calendar event — it is a national moment to ask whether we are living up to the promise made to the children of this country. The numbers tell a grim story According to the Child Series Volume III Reported Crime Against Children by Statistics South Africa, that promise remains unfulfilled, with rape, assault and child abuse routinely high in the list of crimes reported against children. In the 2022/23 period alone, 64,533 children were victims of crime in South Africa, and each day three children are killed, 28 children are violently attacked, and 58 children are sexually violated. While the president has rightfully declared gender-based violence a pandemic, it is worth noting that child victims account for nearly 40% of the more than 21,000 sexual offences reported in South Africa in 2022/23. This is a staggering proportion, considering that children make up just over a third of the population. Given the high levels of violence against children in South Africa, it is unsurprising that this same violence resurfaces a generation later as the legacy of trauma perpetuates more harm. Both global and national data tell us that girls exposed to violence are more likely to be victims of inter-personal violence, and similarly, boys exposed to violence are more likely to become perpetuators of violence. Child Protection Week is an opportunity to amplify calls for this cycle of violence to stop. Government has responded but systemic barriers persist In recent months the government, led by the departments of Social Development and Women, Youth and Persons with Disabilities, has escalated its response by establishing a dedicated gender-based violence and femicide (GBVF) Priority Committee within the National Joint Operational and Intelligence Structure (Natjoints). Through a 90-day acceleration programme to address GBVF, national departments have committed to fast-track the implementation of prevention and response services across all nine provinces. The United Nations Children's Fund (Unicef) views this as a critical step in the right direction. But as the statistics show, these strong commitments need to translate into sustained, systemic change that lasts well beyond the allotted 90 days. Knowing how much is actually spent on preventing and responding to violence against children is a persistent issue, as budgeting for child protection is scattered across departments and seldom tracked. Moreover, at district and municipal levels — where services are closest to families — violence prevention is still not prioritised in integrated development plans. On the ground, many social workers are overstretched and tasked with statutory child removal cases, with little capacity for preventive or restorative interventions. Crucially, children themselves remain excluded from decision-making processes that directly affect their safety and dignity. From crisis to commitment To achieve the promise of safety and care for every child, Unicef proposes three urgent policy actions: Establish a dedicated public budget line for violence prevention across national and provincial departments, with regular public reporting on expenditure specific to children. Mandate the integration of child protection as a priority — including violence prevention — into district and municipal integrated development plans, with performance targets and ringfenced funding. Institutionalise child participation in policy development, programme design, and monitoring — in particular within the National Strategic Plan for GBVF — to ensure that children's realities and voices shape the systems meant to protect them. We know that violence against children is both preventable and necessary for the fostering of a healthy, happy society. Effective prevention requires moving beyond short-term responses to a focus on innovation, stronger coordination and meaningful systemic change. If South Africa is to fully honour its commitment to children — as enshrined in its globally admired Constitution and in the vision of a post-apartheid, democratic society — then we must go beyond the talk. Child Protection Month must leave a tangible legacy – a shift from crisis response to systemic prevention, lives safeguarded, futures restored and children truly heard. DM

IOL News
7 hours ago
- IOL News
BRICS+ Series: GCC Banks To Take the Lead in Global Order
Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) Secretary-General Jassim al-Budaiwi, Kuwaiti deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs Sheikh Jarrah Jaber Al-Ahmad Al-Sabah, Qatari Prime Minister and Foreign Minister Mohammed bin Abdulrahman al-Thani, Kuwaiti Foreign Minister Abdullah Ali al-Yahya, Omani Foreign Minister Badr al-Busaidi, Saudi Foreign Minister Faisal bin Farhan, Bahraini Foreign Ministry Undersecretary for Political Affairs Khalid Yousef Al-Jalahma, and UAE Minister of State at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs Khalifa Bin Shaheen Al-Marar pose for a group photo during the GCC foreign minister meeting in Kuwait City on June 2, 2025. In a world recalibrating its power structures, the heartbeat of a new economic order is not coming from Washington or Brussels, it's coming from Riyadh, Dubai, and Doha. The first quarter earnings of GCC banks, a record-breaking $13.2 billion — are not just figures in an accounting ledger. They are signals. Loud, booming signals that the Global South is not waiting for a seat at the table anymore, it's building a new one. This isn't about oil. It's about balance sheets, digital transformation, sovereign wealth, and a clear, calculated alignment with BRICS+. While the West is busy navigating inflation, political chaos, and declining global influence, the Gulf states are executing a well-scripted vision of economic dominance rooted in financial strength and geopolitical foresight. From Petrostate to Power Broker For decades, the Gulf's wealth was seen as static, pegged to oil markets, buffeted by global price swings, and reliant on Western financial systems to recycle petro-dollars. But that era is closing. Today, GCC economies, led by Saudi Arabia and the UAE, are not just managing wealth — they are engineering the future. And their banking sector is the perfect lens through which to witness this transformation. In the first quarter of 2025, GCC banks posted nearly 10% year-on-year growth in profits. Saudi National Bank, First Abu Dhabi Bank, and others have reduced non-performing loan ratios while increasing lending and digital integration. These aren't just stable banks; they are aggressively modern, risk-conscious, and future-oriented institutions. That's more than can be said for some traditional Western banks still reeling from post-COVID shocks and regional debt crises. The GCC's rise is not in isolation. It's part of a larger movement — a geopolitical and economic renaissance of the Global South. It's about realignment. It's about BRICS+. Why BRICS+ Needs the Gulf In 2023, the expansion of BRICS+ to include Saudi Arabia, Iran and the UAE was more than symbolic. It was strategic. The Gulf brings what BRICS+ desperately needed: liquidity, infrastructure readiness, and a proven ability to act as a bridge between East and West. It also brings credibility in the Muslim world, investment clout across Africa, and growing technological ambitions — from clean energy to AI to fintech. The inclusion of the Gulf in BRICS+ is a statement that the bloc is no longer a developing world protest club. It's a counter-system. A challenge to the Washington Consensus. A coalition not just of emerging economies, but of confident ones. And the numbers tell the story. GCC banks, backed by state investment arms and supported by robust sovereign credit ratings, are positioned to underwrite the very future that BRICS+ envisions — one of multipolar development, non-dollar trade mechanisms, and regional infrastructure that connects ports in Mombasa with railway lines in Xinjiang and smart cities in Riyadh. If BRICS+ is the engine of a new world, the GCC is its oil — and not just in the literal sense. The West's reluctance to adapt to this shift is glaring. While Washington debates debt ceilings and Brussels argues over migration quotas, Riyadh signs a multi-billion dollar clean hydrogen deal with Beijing and rolls out AI initiatives in partnership with BRICS innovation hubs. The UAE, for its part, is building financial corridors that stretch from Africa to Southeast Asia — quietly and effectively. This isn't a revolution with flags and slogans. It's happening in quiet boardrooms, via blockchain settlements, in massive infrastructure blueprints — and in the earnings reports of banks that once operated in the shadows of Exxon and Shell, but are now giants in their own right. By aligning with BRICS+, the Gulf is choosing a future built on regional agency, multipolar engagement, and de-dollarisation. It is rejecting the narrative that economic prosperity must flow through Western financial institutions. It is embracing a new world order — one built on shared interests, not shared histories. This Is the Future So yes, GCC banks made $13.2 billion in Q1 2025. But that number is just a surface reflection of something far deeper. The Middle East is no longer a geopolitical chessboard where great powers play. It is becoming a player in its own right — a financier, an innovator, a bridge, and a disruptor. The rise of the Gulf is the rise of the Global South. And the alignment with BRICS+ is not just a tactical move. It's a philosophical one. It says, we are no longer the periphery. We are the center of something new. Written by: *Dr Iqbal Survé Past chairman of the BRICS Business Council and co-chairman of the BRICS Media Forum and the BRNN *Chloe Maluleke Associate at BRICS+ Consulting Group Russian & Middle Eastern Specialist **The Views expressed do not necessarily reflect the views of Independent Media or IOL. ** MORE ARTICLES ON OUR WEBSITE ** Follow @brics_daily on Twitter for daily BRICS+ updates and instagram @brics_daily