Latest news with #BRICS
Time of India
an hour ago
- Business
- Time of India
India-US trade deal: India receptive to imports of GM farm products used in animal feed? Mini deal in works as Trump deadline nears
India shall host this year's summit of the four-nation Quad alliance, which includes the United States, Australia and Japan. (AI image) India-US trade deal: As part of the ongoing trade deal negotiations with the US, India appears to be open to imports of some genetically modified agriculture products that are used for animal feed. India's Commerce Ministry officials are currently in Washington DC for the fifth round of talks for the India-US trade deal. According to an ET report, while showing India willingness to accept certain GM products, India is not interested in lifting restrictions on GM corn and soyabean imports. US President Donald Trump has indicated that India's trade arrangement would follow a similar pattern to Indonesia's agreement, which includes a 19% tariff, implying that India could face tariff rates more than the standard 10% rate. "There will be an interim deal first, be it first tranche or second tranche, before a BTA," a senior official was quoted as saying. "We will close multiple deals as and when they finalise. We will be doing our job. Rest we will leave to others," the official added. Also Read | India-US trade deal: Donald Trump says 'another deal coming up, maybe with India' India-US Trade Deal: What Both Countries Want India seeks enhanced market opportunities in sectors employing substantial workforce, particularly textiles and electronics, whilst the United States requests significant tariff reductions across various sectors, including automobiles, and entry for its dairy and agricultural products. "We aim to package a deal before the Quad summit," said the official cited above. India shall host this year's summit of the four-nation Quad alliance, which includes the United States, Australia and Japan. Trump is expected to attend the gathering. The United States has declared tariffs on multiple countries effective August 1. According to the trade agreement with Vietnam, the United States has implemented a 40% duty on transshipped merchandise. Also Read | Donald Trump trade war impact: India in wait-and-watch mode on impact of tariff differentials; 'difficult to plan…' The United States has engaged with Indonesia, seeking agreements for substantial purchases, including $15 billion in energy resources, $4.5 billion in agricultural goods, and an order for 50 Boeing aircraft. During BTA negotiations, stipulations might arise regarding India's continued procurement of Russian oil. On July 14, Trump advocated for complete tariffs on nations purchasing Russian oil, with NATO subsequently cautioning India, China, and Brazil about potential severe secondary sanctions, including full tariffs, should they maintain Russian trade relations without encouraging Moscow towards peace discussions. The United States has introduced a 10% tariff proposal affecting all BRICS exports, alongside a 50% duty on Brazilian goods, partially due to their stance on platform X content removal. "India, which also makes takedown requests, could be targeted next. More such tariffs could follow," said a New Delhi-based trade expert, who noted that even a trade agreement wouldn't ensure protection, given Washington's unpredictable policy stance. Also Read | India-US trade deal: Will Donald Trump go for less than 20% tariff rate for India? Top 10 developments to track Stay informed with the latest business news, updates on bank holidays and public holidays . AI Masterclass for Students. Upskill Young Ones Today!– Join Now
AllAfrica
an hour ago
- Politics
- AllAfrica
Can Indonesia stay non-aligned while joining BRICS?
When Indonesia joined this year's BRICS Summit as a full member in Rio de Janeiro, it was stepping into a long-anticipated role. The Southeast Asian nation has long aspired to be more than a leading regional actor; it seeks to be a global leader, and BRICS membership offered the symbolism of arrival. President Prabowo Subianto leveraged the moment to call for a revitalized multilateral order, greater South–South cooperation and fairer global governance. He invoked the spirit of Bandung — the 1955 conference Indonesia famously convened to unite newly independent nations under the banner of peace, solidarity and nonalignment. But for all the talk of balance, Indonesia's BRICS debut also raised fresh concerns about tilt as questions arise about whether Prabowo's Indonesia is drifting into China and Russia's orbit and away from the West. The evidence is not conclusive, but the optics are striking. In one of his first diplomatic moves after winning the presidency, Prabowo flew to Beijing — even before formally taking office. He later signed a joint statement with China, which many in the region saw as overly conciliatory, particularly regarding the South China Sea, where the two nations have overlapping claims. Meanwhile, at the St Petersburg International Economic Forum, Prabowo praised China and Russia as countries 'without double standards,' raising eyebrows given both countries' questionable records on sovereignty, repression and international norms. His absence from the G7 summit only deepened the perception of lean. Indonesia has good reasons to challenge the dominance of Western institutions. Western powers have long wielded influence in ways that often ignore or exploit the interests of the Global South. The failures are real — from broken climate finance promises, to selective outrage over territorial violations, to a rules-based order applied unequally. Indonesia is right to demand reform. But opposing Western hypocrisy should not mean excusing the same behaviors when they come from elsewhere. This is the core danger of being seen as part of an 'anti-Western axis': it casts foreign policy not as a principled stand, but as an act of alignment — the very thing Indonesia's bebas aktif doctrine was designed to avoid. That doctrine, which has guided Indonesia since the Cold War, rests on two pillars: independence and active engagement. It allowed Indonesia to work with all sides without serving any. It's what gave Jakarta the credibility to lead the Non-Aligned Movement and host the Bandung Conference. And it remains one of Indonesia's most strategic diplomatic assets. But independence is not neutrality. And active engagement means speaking up, especially when it's inconvenient. Indonesia's foreign policy cannot succeed if it avoids difficult conversations. Jakarta must be willing to call out abuses of power wherever they occur: in the West, yes, but also in China, Russia and other BRICS members. Remaining silent on Russia's invasion of Ukraine or downplaying China's human rights violations in Xinjiang doesn't look like independent diplomacy. It looks like avoidance. Indonesia's power lies in its ability to serve as a bridge — between the developed and developing world, between major powers and emerging ones. But bridges require trust. And trust comes from consistency. Right now, that consistency is in question. If Indonesia speaks forcefully against Western double standards but not against the violations of its new BRICS partners, it risks being seen as selective rather than principled. Indonesia should engage the West and the non-West. It should deepen cooperation with China and maintain strong ties with the US, Europe and Japan. It should continue playing an active role in ASEAN and take full advantage of its BRICS membership to promote reform of global governance. But with every new partnership comes a harder obligation: the obligation to hold partners accountable. This is especially critical as BRICS – now expanded to include Brazil, Russia, India, China, South Africa, Egypt, Iran, the UAE and Indonesia, thus representing more than half the world's population – itself evolves. What started as an economic bloc is now drifting into the realm of political identity. With members like Russia and China in the fold, BRICS risks becoming more about opposition to the West than about offering meaningful alternatives. Indonesia's job is not to amplify that drift — it's to anchor the bloc in something more constructive. At the Rio summit, Prabowo rightly invoked the legacy of Bandung. But Bandung was not about polite diplomacy. It was about bold leadership from the Global South — leadership that challenged colonialism, injustice and domination in all forms. That legacy only lives on if Indonesia is willing to confront power, not just shift its gaze from one pole to another. The world doesn't need another country choosing sides. It needs countries willing to speak honestly to all sides. That is the test Indonesia now faces. At BRICS, Indonesia took a step onto a bigger stage. What it says next — and who it's willing to say it to — will determine whether it becomes a global leader or just another cautious voice in a crowded room. Muhammad Zulfikar Rakhmat is director of the China-Indonesia Desk at Center of Economic and Law Studies (CELIOS).
Barnama
4 hours ago
- Business
- Barnama
BRICS Media Cooperation Promotes Global South Momentum
RIO DE JANEIRO, July 17 (Bernama-Xinhua) -- President of Xinhua News Agency Fu Hua on Tuesday met with representatives of media think tanks in Russia, Vietnam, Cuba and other countries in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil. All parties had in-depth exchanges on issues such as deepening the cooperation of media think tanks in the Global South and strengthening the momentum of the Global South to reach a consensus on promoting the greater BRICS cooperation and the development of the Global South, according to Xinhua news agency. Fu welcomed representatives from various countries to attend the BRICS Media and Think Tank Forum, noting that China has a profound traditional friendship and a good foundation for cooperation with Russia, Vietnam, Cuba and other countries. bootstrap slideshow He said Xinhua is willing to work with partners from various countries to expand cooperation areas further, innovate cooperation models, coordinate closely and cooperate under the framework of multilateral mechanisms. Xinhua will also join hands with its partners to present a vivid narrative of international development and cooperation so as to make greater contributions to amplifying the voice of the Global South and building a more just and diverse global communication order, he said. Mikhail Gusman, first deputy director-general of TASS Russian News Agency, said that Tass is willing to strengthen cooperation with Xinhua under the framework of multilateral mechanisms such as the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) Media and Think Tank Forum and the BRICS Media and Think Tank Forum, to jointly build a narrative system from the Global South perspective and enhance the representation and voice of developing countries in international affairs. Alexey Nikolov, managing editor of the Russia Today (RT) TV network, said that RT cherishes its friendly relations with Xinhua and looks forward to implementing the consensus reached by the two heads of state at the height of strategic cooperation. The RT will continue to deepen exchanges and expand cooperation with Xinhua and make positive contributions to promoting the steady development of multilateral media mechanisms and enhancing international influence, he said. Ta Minh Tuan, vice president of the Vietnam Academy of Social Sciences, said he was very glad to establish contact with Xinhua, and will take the forum as an opportunity to institutionalise and regularise cooperation between the two sides, make the collective voice of the Global South more resounding on the international stage, and provide enduring momentum for the steady development of the "greater BRICS cooperation."
Indian Express
6 hours ago
- Politics
- Indian Express
Jaishankar's visit to China reflects a thaw in ties — there will be challenges
Five years after the military standoff between India and China along the Line of Actual Control (LAC), External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar's meetings with China's President Xi Jinping, Foreign Minister Wang Yi, and Liu Jianchao (head of the International Department of the Chinese Communist Party) signal an intent to repair the relationship with Beijing. Minister Jaishankar's visit to China this week — his first since the 2020 skirmishes — for the SCO Council of Foreign Ministers meeting, taken alongside recent instances of widening engagement, reflects a thaw in bilateral ties. Recall that Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Xi met on the sidelines of the BRICS summit last October, shortly after a new border patrolling arrangement was announced and a few days before the disengagement process officially concluded. Since then, NSA Ajit Doval, Defence Minister Rajnath Singh, and Foreign Secretary Vikram Misri have all visited China. Other signs that the India-China relationship has been moving in a positive direction include an understanding to expedite the restoration of direct flights and easing of visa restrictions, and resumption of the Kailash Mansarovar Yatra. While Jaishankar has said that 'a far-seeing lens' should be used for rebuilding ties, some key issues remain unresolved. Post-disengagement, the de-escalation process — the withdrawal of troops from forward positions — hasn't begun at the border. China's restrictive trade practices, such as curbs on critical exports like rare earth magnets and high-tech manufacturing machinery, continue to be a stumbling block. These concerns were conveyed by Jaishankar to Wang, along with a pointed reminder that the SCO was founded to fight 'three evils': Terrorism, separatism, and extremism. At the same time, in an increasingly turbulent world order, and especially with an unpredictable occupant of the White House, re-engagement with China, or what Wang recently described as a 'cooperative pas de deux of the dragon and the elephant', is pragmatic policy. For example, the US and NATO threatening to sanction countries doing business with Russia — a move that would hit India and China hardest — underscores the need for a partnership. The fact, however, is that China continues to view its relationship with India primarily through a lens of competition, not cooperation. The most recent example is China's growing military cooperation with Pakistan during Operation Sindoor. The power gap is also widening. India runs a trade deficit of over $100 billion with China. The latter continues to scale up its defence budget and capabilities. China also leads in critical technologies like AI, quantum computing, and rare earths. And Beijing is steadily strengthening its influence across South Asia, luring countries strategically important to India into its own fold — Bangladesh, most recently. India must, therefore, remain vigilant. Alongside dialogue, to increase its leverage, New Delhi must focus on getting its own house in order: Accelerate economic reform, bolster technological capacity, and foster social and political unity. Some members of the Opposition have criticised Jaishankar's China outreach. His calibrated diplomacy, however, was necessary. The China question demands long-term, strategic clarity at the domestic level as well. And on the foreign policy front, New Delhi must widen its engagement across the neighbourhood and beyond, to prevent Beijing from gaining a decisive upper hand in the region.
New York Post
9 hours ago
- Business
- New York Post
Xi Jinping is losing his grip on China— and Trump can give him a push
Xi Jinping's once-total control of the Chinese military and the Chinese Communist Party is looking increasingly shaky — and President Donald Trump has a chance to help hasten the dictator's departure. Last month I explained in these pages why Xi, China's 'Chairman of Everything' since 2012, might soon be out of power. Critics scoffed — but on July 2 Beijing announced that Xi, for the first time, would miss this year's BRICS Summit in Brazil. Xi had long used the annual BRICS meeting as a domestic showpiece for his international leadership, with every Chinese press organ reporting on his summit speeches and activities in multiple front-page stories. The blanket coverage strengthened Xi's perceived power at home, so the chance that he volunteered to miss this year's BRICS Summit is next to none. Furthermore, Xi's wife Peng Liyuan has not been seen in public for more than two months, and Ma Xingrui, one of Xi's closest senior allies, was recently 'assigned to another post,' according to state media — that is, removed from his position as Xinjiang Party Secretary. Both added to a chain of senior Xi loyalists being deposed or dying mysteriously in recent months. Dictators, like dictatorships, frequently appear unbreakable until they break. The CIA infamously projected the USSR would hold firm for decades just months before its demise. The signs were there, but after 70 years of the Soviet Union's survival, even expert analysts were hesitant to predict its imminent collapse. Like the Soviet Politburo in the 1980s, the CCP's ruling elite now faces severe economic challenges. A flagging economy, huge outflows of capital, unemployment rates in depression territory and completely unsustainable public and private debt levels are driving deep unrest and even public protests in various regions of China. If a critical mass of CCP leaders believes their nation cannot afford any more upheaval, they may well be orchestrating a smooth exit for Xi to avoid a messy coup. Xi, of course, is resisting his political departure — one more reason why Trump must keep up his economic pressure on China. Trump's tariffs have helped push the Chinese economy into truly dire straits, weakening Xi while upping the odds that his replacement will be more favorable toward US interests. Xi's disastrous economic, domestic and foreign-policy mistakes of the past few years make it likely that his successor will embrace a governance approach favoring collective leadership and reform, say political insiders in Beijing. They point to the model of Deng Xiaoping, who followed a similar pattern when cleaning up the many disasters left to him by Mao Zedong. A change in Chinese leadership could be an unalloyed benefit to the United States and our democratic allies worldwide — given that China today is by far the largest dual-use technology provider to Putin's war machine in Ukraine, the largest supporter of terrorist governments in Asia and the greatest global thief of US intellectual property. There's little the United States can or should do directly to push Xi out of power — but Trump certainly can encourage positive change in China with several concrete actions. First, he should get behind the Russian sanctions bill now pending in the Senate and sign it into law — and follow up on his threat to impose 100% 'secondary tariffs' on China and other countries that buy Russian energy. Both measures would force China to choose between supporting Putin's Ukraine slaughter, or leaving Russia to its failed war and rejoining the civilized nations of our world. Continuing to partner with Putin in the face of such crippling sanctions would be economic suicide for China, and the absolute end of Xi's regime. In addition, Trump must escalate the fight against Chinese spies and industrial espionage in the United States and partner nations. It's no accident that so many of China's newest weapons look and function exactly like their Western counterparts. Finally, Trump should send clear signals that the United States will welcome new Chinese leadership committed to a peaceful foreign policy, the rule of law and more personal and economic freedoms for its people. The president loves social media, and so do the Chinese people. China's 'Great Fire Wall' dramatically limits their access to all but CCP-sponsored information — but it's not foolproof. Powerful Truth Social posts, emphasizing Trump's deep respect for China's people while highlighting Xi's many failures, in combination with a concerted 'all channels' communications effort, will get through to the CCP elite and to well-educated future leaders. With each week, the signs grow clearer: The Xi Jinping era is coming to an end. The United States and our Western allies must prepare for the changes to come in the world's second-largest economy — which now undergirds our biggest global adversaries. Gregory W. Slayton is a former senior US diplomat, chairman of Slayton Capital and author of 'Portraits of Ukraine a Nation at War.'
