
Srinagar airbase is vulnerable to Pakistan attack. These are ways to secure it
He presented the contest with India in religious terms by drawing a sharp distinction between Muslims and Hindus. These words might have surprised some, but to Pakistan watchers, this was nothing new.
On 16 April 2025, the chief of Pakistan Army, General Asim Munir, while addressing the Pakistani diaspora, stated that Kashmir is Pakistan's jugular vein. As per him, Kashmir has been and would always remain the core issue for the Pakistani military.
Historical context
In 1947, India was able to retain control over the Srinagar airfield by the skin of its teeth. Thanks to the gallant efforts by the 1 Sikh under the able command of Lt Col Dewan Ranjit Rai and the Dakotas from No. 12 Squadron of the Indian Air Force, India was able to beat back the marauding hordes of Pakistani militia, who had advanced to within 30 miles of the airfield. Subsequently, in the wars of 1965 and 1971, Srinagar received frequent visits from the Pakistan Air Force (PAF).
Notably, IAF's sole Param Vir Chakra was awarded to Flying Officer Nirmal Jit Singh Sekhon for his intrepid bravery in air action over Srinagar on 14 December 1971. More recently, as part of Operation Bunyan-al-Marsoos, Pakistan launched air attacks on Srinagar airfield on 10 May 2025. The attacks involved drones, missiles, and fighter jets.
It was a very determined attack, and the PAF was willing to take greater risks. However, despite these attacks, the Srinagar airfield remained operational and IAF's military operations continued unabated. These attacks highlighted Pakistan's intent to neutralise Srinagar's operational capacity, underscoring the need for robust defence strategies in the face of evolving threats.
Also read: Pakistan can't test India's strategic patience anymore. The doctrine has flipped
Emerging threats
The air operations during India's Operation Sindoor, which started on 7 May, and Pakistan's retaliatory Operation Bunyan-al-Marsoos (10 May) revealed a new paradigm in aerial warfare. Pakistan deployed advanced technologies, including swarm drones, kamikaze drones with anti-radiation missiles (ARM) capabilities, long-range standoff weapons effective beyond 100 km, and beyond-visual-range (BVR) missiles with ranges exceeding 200 km.
These systems pose a multifaceted threat to Srinagar Airfield, complicating India's ability to maintain air control.
Geographically, Srinagar's proximity to the Line of Control (LoC) and International Border (IB) exacerbates its vulnerability. The LoC sectors at Uri, Baramulla, and Tangdhar are only 60–70 km away, while the IB at Akhnoor is 120 km. Pakistan's Qadri Airbase in Skardu, at 160 km from Srinagar, can house advanced PAF fighters like the J-10C, F-16, and JF-17. Closer bases at Kotli and Rawalakot, approximately 100 km away, can support helicopters and drone operations. In a broader conflict, PAF could deploy assets from distant bases, as far as PAF Base Masroor in Karachi, leveraging AAR (air-to-air refueling) and long-range precision weapons to target Srinagar.
The PAF's modernised inventory, including data-linked fighters and Saab 2000 Erieye Airborne Early Warning and Control (AEW&C) systems, enhances its operational reach. A Combat Air Patrol (CAP) operating 100–150 km from Srinagar, within Pakistani airspace, could engage IAF fighters as they take off, particularly as they clear the crest line of surrounding terrain. That's when they'd be most vulnerable. Beyond Visual Range (BVR) missiles, with ranges exceeding 200 km, enable PAF to neutralise airborne threats before they gain altitude or can manoeuvre effectively to get into an advantageous position.
Additionally, swarm drones and kamikaze drones with anti-radiation missiles (ARM) features can target radar and air defence systems, while surface-launched missiles and forward-deployed artillery threaten the airfield's infrastructure. A saturation strike, combining these elements, could disable the runway or critical facilities for hours, disrupting IAF operations at a critical juncture.
The 10 May 10 attack, while symbolic, was limited in scale. Future PAF operations, potentially coordinated with ground manoeuvres from Pakistan-occupied Kashmir (PoK) or a thrust into the Akhnoor bulge, could involve a larger, more sustained assault. Such a scenario would test India's defensive capabilities, particularly if Pakistan employs a combination of pre-emptive strikes and persistent aerial threats to overwhelm Srinagar's defences.
Also read: India's military revival hinges on overestimating Pakistan Army
Defending Srinagar
Defending Srinagar Airfield against these emerging threats requires addressing a complex array of challenges: slow-moving drones, suicide drones, ARMs, surface-to-air missiles, long-range artillery, and air-launched precision weapons. The airfield's proximity to hostile bases and enemy's airspace makes it vulnerable to standoff attacks, which necessitate a re-evaluation of traditional air defence strategies. A saturation strike could temporarily disable the runway, grounding IAF fighters, while a BVR-armed PAF CAP loitering within kill ranges could neutralise aircraft attempting to take off. Both scenarios undermine India's ability to maintain air superiority over Srinagar, a cornerstone of our air strategy.
India's current air defence posture in this area relies on maintaining 'guns tight' protocols, where surface-to-air missiles (SAMs) and air defence weapons engage only after clearance to avoid fratricide. This cautious approach, while necessary to prevent blue-on-blue (friendly fire) incidents, limits the responsiveness of ground-based defences against fast-evolving threats like swarm drones or low-flying kamikaze drones. Moreover, deploying IAF fighters from Srinagar itself is increasingly precarious, as PAF's AEW&C and BVR capabilities can detect and engage aircraft shortly after take-off.
Pakistan's recent attack, though unsuccessful in causing significant damage, exposed vulnerabilities that could be exploited in a larger-scale operation. Pakistan's willingness to take greater risks, as demonstrated in Operation Bunyan-al-Marsoos, suggests that future attacks may prioritise saturation and coordination to overwhelm defences. The IAF cannot afford to assume that Srinagar's operational resilience will hold against a more determined assault, particularly in the context of a theatre-wide conflict.
It is a fact that, based on our own capabilities, we can create similar problems for the other side. However, this analysis focuses solely on the challenges of defending Srinagar and the Kashmir valley in general.
Strength versus vulnerability
To counter these threats, India could leverage its strengths against Pakistan's vulnerabilities by adopting an air denial strategy over the traditional pursuit of air superiority. India's ground-based air defence infrastructure, bolstered by the Integrated Air Command and Control System (IACCS) and Akashteer for detection, and systems like the S-400, Barak-8 and Akash SAM for engagement, provides a formidable foundation.
The S-400, with a detection range of 600 km and effective kill range of up to 400 km, can engage targets well beyond the IB/ LoC, deep into Pakistan's airspace. The medium/short range SAMs and air defence guns could provide additional layers of protection. By shifting to a 'guns free' default mode, instead of 'guns tight', India could create a no-fly zone extending 400 km from Srinagar, making it prohibitively risky for PAF aircraft to operate, even within their own airspace.
This air denial strategy would involve keeping IAF fighters grounded at dispersed locations within Srinagar airfield, housed in hardened aircraft shelters (HAS), or relocating them to nearby bases. When needed, IAF fighters equipped with long-range BVR missiles, supported by airborne warning and control systems (AWACS), could operate from other bases to provide local air superiority over Srinagar without exposing themselves to a direct attack on the ground. This approach maximises the freedom of engagement for ground-based defences, allowing SAMs and guns to freely engage any aerial threat within range, regardless of the threat's origin.
The air denial strategy exploits Pakistan's reliance on airborne platforms to target Srinagar by making them extremely vulnerable to formidable air defence architecture on ground. This would deter PAF, and should they wish to press home the attack, they would have to expend significant additional resources to penetrate the airspace. The psychological and operational impact of such a strategy could disrupt PAF's planning, as the risk of heavy losses outweighs potential gains.
For an Air Force, led by fighter pilots, that worships at the altar of air superiority, this would be a bitter pill to swallow. Having been one myself, I understand that we consider gaining and maintaining control of the air as the primary airpower role. For IAF, air superiority is primus inter pares.
The air denial strategy could seem like a defensive move.
Historical precedent
The air denial strategy draws inspiration from the 1973 Yom Kippur War, where Egyptian forces established a dense air defence network along the Suez Canal, denying the Israeli Air Force operational freedom. While Israel eventually regained air superiority, it did so at a significant cost in blood and treasure despite enjoying a significant technological advantage over Egypt. Pakistan, lacking a similar edge over India's advanced air defence systems, faces a steeper challenge. India's S-400, Akashteer, and IACCS provide a robust detection and engagement capability, making an air denial strategy viable.
For the IAF, steeped in a culture that prioritises air superiority, adopting air denial may seem counterintuitive. Air superiority, often considered the primary role of airpower, ensures control of the skies for offensive and defensive operations. However, in Srinagar's unique context—geographically constrained, close to hostile bases, and facing advanced threats—air denial offers a pragmatic alternative.
By neutralising PAF's ability to operate anywhere near Srinagar, India can maintain operational continuity at the airfield, without relying on fighter aircraft to man the operational readiness platform (ORP) or being airborne as part of an around-the-clock CAP from Srinagar.
Group Captain Ajay Ahlawat (Retd) is a former IAF fighter pilot. He tweets @Ahlawat2012. Views are personal.
(Edited by Ratan Priya)
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


Hindustan Times
12 minutes ago
- Hindustan Times
HT Archive: A call to forge a sense of national identity
I propose to speak bluntly and sincerely about the state of the nation 50 years after Independence. I would be dishonouring the memory of Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru and of his mentor, Mahatma Gandhi, if I try to be economical with the truth. Citizens celebrate India's independence from British rule in the streets of erstwhile Calcutta. (Getty Images) Those of us who have lived through the earlier days of free India, when the entire nation was looking forward with zeal and fervour and with a sense of national pride, cannot but look upon the present times with deep anguish and distress. The only achievement of Indian democracy has been that it has survived unfractured for 50 years. The achievement is all the more creditable, since no other democracy has had such diversity in unity, or was such a mosaic of humanity. All the great religions in the world have flourished in India. We have 15 major languages written in different alphabets and derived from different roots and for good measure, our people whom you can never call taciturn express themselves in 250 dialects. In 1950, we started as a Republic with three inestimable advantages. First, we had 5,000 years of civilisation behind us –– a civilisation which had reached 'the summit of human thought' in the words of Ralph Waldo Emerson. We had a superb entrepreneurial spirit, honed over a century of obstacles. Secondly, whereas before 1858, India was never a united political entity, in that year, the accident of British rule welded us into one country, one nation; and when Independence came, we had been in unified nationality for almost a century under one head of state. Thirdly, our founding fathers, after two long years of laborious and painful toil, gave us a Constitution which a former Chief Justice of India rightly described as 'substance'. Unfortunately, over the years we dissipated every advantage we started with, like a compulsive gambler bent upon squandering an invaluable legacy. For the first 40 years, successive governments imposed mindless socialism on the nation, which held in thrall the people's endeavour and enterprise. They respected the shells of socialism state control and state ownership while the kernel, the spirit of social justice, was left with no chance of coming to life. We shut our eyes to the act that socialism is to social justice what ritual is to religion and dogma is to truth. The most persistent tendency in India has been to have too much government and too little administration, too many laws and too little justice, too many public servants and too little public service; too many controls and too little welfare. The picture that emerges is that of a great nation in a state of moral decay, of which corruption and indiscipline are two of the several facets. In the land of Mahatma Gandhi, violence is on the throne today. Mobocracy has too often displaced democracy. The contribution of modern India to sociology has been Bandh –– the closure of an entire city by militant rowdies. If I am asked to name one curse which deserves to be regarded as the greatest curse of India, I would say it is casteism. Unfortunately, divisiveness has become the Indian disease: Communal hatred, linguistic fanaticism, regional fealty, and caste loyalty are gnawing at the vitals of the unity and integrity of the country. To the growing army of terrorists and professional hooligans, caste or clan, creed or tongue, is a sufficient ground to kill their fellow citizens. National integration is born in the hearts of the citizens. When it dies there, no army, no government can save it. Interfaith harmony and consciousness of the essential unity of all religions is the very heart of our national integration. The soul of India aspires to integration and assimilation. The day will come when the 26 states of India will realise that in a profound sense they are culturally akin, ethnically identical, linguistically knit and historically related. The major task before India today is to acquire a keener sense of national identity, to gain the wisdom to cherish its priceless heritage, and to create a cohesive society with the cement of Indian culture. Edited excerpts of an article written by eminent jurist and author Nani A Palkhiwala that appeared on August 15, 1997.


Time of India
15 minutes ago
- Time of India
IMEC is long-term project built on a shared vision of diversifying supply chains: Gérard Mestrallet
The IMEC corridor is a long-term project built on a shared vision of diversifying supply chains between three regions while creating new mutually beneficial interdependencies, and generating growth and socio-economic development along its route. France and India's cooperation on IMEC is rooted in their strong strategic partnership. This bilateral dialogue feeds directly into the project's strategic vision, French Special Envoy on IMEC Gérard Mestrallet told ET's Dipanjan Roy Chaudhury during his recent India visit. Independence Day 2025 Before Trump, British used tariffs to kill Indian textile Bank of Azad Hind: When Netaji gave India its own currency Swadeshi 2.0: India is no longer just a market, it's a maker What is the French view on IMEC amid volatility in West Asia? The IMEC corridor is a long-term project built on a shared vision of diversifying supply chains between three regions while creating new mutually beneficial interdependencies, and generating growth and socio-economic development along its route. My two main priorities have been to structure collective governance among IMEC MoU signatories, and launch diagnostic and feasibility studies — an essential step to assess investment needs. Following this preliminary phase, a precise development plan will be defined, with the private sector playing a central role. Many infrastructure and investment projects already exist along the IMEC route. The challenge is to accelerate capacity development or build the missing links, particularly for the rail segment in the Middle East. What are the distinct advantages of the Port of Marseille as an entry point for IMEC? The port of Marseille is already a multidimensional connectivity hub and a gateway to Europe, Africa, and the Middle East. The port of Marseille Fos is now set to become one of the main entry and exit points for IMEC in Europe and the Mediterranean. With that being said, the IMEC concept does not exclude the possibility of there being several interconnection points in the regions served. Marseille Fos stands out as a triple hub: logistics and industry, shipping, and digital services. Marseille is already at the crossroads of several European corridors, forming part of two trans-European transport networks and the H2med network via the BarMar link. Further, Marseille is the sixth largest digital hub in the world. By 2027, the city will be connected to 54 countries via 16 submarine cable networks, with six cables scheduled to become operational between 2025 and 2027. In terms of energy, Marseille Fos port has major ambitions in the carbon-free hydrogen sector. It is also home to the headquarters of CMA CGM, a global maritime leader, which is also investing in one of the Mundra Port terminals. How is France collaborating with India to implement IMEC? France and India's cooperation on IMEC is rooted in their strong strategic partnership. This bilateral dialogue feeds directly into the project's strategic vision. While IMEC requires consultation between all signatory countries, some may naturally be more proactive than others. I believe that this is an ambition shared by India and France – as illustrated by France organizing the inaugural IMEC Sherpas meeting in May 2025, and India convening the first IMEC Steering Committee meeting in early August in New Delhi. The year 2026, designated as the India-France Year of Innovation, will offer further opportunities to advance this approach and explore solutions to key challenges in digital connectivity, which is one of the pillars of IMEC alongside logistics and energy connectivity.


Time of India
28 minutes ago
- Time of India
TMC MP Samirul Islam moves SC over alleged harassment of Bengali-speaking migrant workers in BJP-ruled states
Kolkata: Trinamool Rajya Sabha MP Samirul Islam on Thursday filed a PIL in the Supreme Court over the alleged 'unlawful detention, torture, harassment, and atrocities against thousands of Bengali-speaking migrant workers in multiple BJP-ruled states'. Independence Day 2025 Before Trump, British used tariffs to kill Indian textile Bank of Azad Hind: When Netaji gave India its own currency Swadeshi 2.0: India is no longer just a market, it's a maker The division bench, comprising Justices Surya Kant and Joymalya Bagchi, heard the PIL on Thursday. The Supreme Court has directed all the states and the Union government to file an affidavit in response to the allegations mentioned in the PIL. The next date of hearing has been scheduled for August 25. The MP said he filed the PIL on behalf of the West Bengal Migrant Workers ' Welfare Board, of which he is chairman. by Taboola by Taboola Sponsored Links Sponsored Links Promoted Links Promoted Links You May Like Villas Prices In Dubai Might Be More Affordable Than You Think Villas In Dubai | Search Ads Get Quote Undo 'There are many who were illegally sent to Bangladesh despite being Bengali-speaking Indian citizens. In the PIL, I have named the Union government and the state authorities of Odisha, Rajasthan, Maharashtra, Delhi, Bihar, Uttar Pradesh, Chhattisgarh and Haryana as respondents,' he posted on X. 'I approached the apex court seeking justice for those poor people who built the nation through their precious will continue the legal fight for justice for Bengali-speaking people till our last breath. Under the leadership of chief minister Mamata Banerjee , we will continue protesting against the Bangla Birodhis and ensure their defeat. This country belongs to all of us,' Islam said. Live Events The board has been fighting the cause of migrant labourers for quite long. Calling the detention of Bengali-speaking migrant workers in BJP-ruled states as 'illegal' and "more dangerous than emergency', Banerjee dared to keep her in a detention camp. There were many instances of Bengali-speaking migrants workers' detainment in various parts of the country, including in Odisha, Rajasthan, Delhi and Maharashtra, in the recent past. Banerjee has said there were 22 lakh migrant workers from Bengal work in different states.