
Trump backs arrest of California governor amid LA protest strains
WASHINGTON: US President Donald Trump said Monday it would be "great" if California Governor Gavin Newsom was arrested, in an extraordinary threat as the two men sparred over protests in Los Angeles.
Republican Trump, 78, deployed the National Guard in America's second city on Saturday after clashes erupted over immigration raids – but he did not seek the Democratic governor's consent, the first time a US president has taken such an action in 60 years.
As temperatures rose, Newsom, 57, then dared Trump's border czar Tom Homan over the weekend to arrest him, after Homan said the governor and LA Mayor Karen Bass could face federal charges of trying to impede immigration agents.
"I would do it if I were Tom. I think it's great," Trump told reporters when asked if Homan should arrest Newsom, as the Republican president arrived on his Marine One helicopter at the White House.
"Gavin likes the publicity, but I think it would be a great thing."
Trump said Newsom, who has been widely tipped as a possible 2028 presidential candidate, had "done a terrible job" in curbing the Los Angeles clashes.
"Look, I like Gavin Newsom, he's a nice guy – but he's grossly incompetent, everybody knows," Trump said.
Trump later said that "I don't want a civil war," but that "civil war would happen if you left it to people like him."
Newsom has bitterly accused Trump of manufacturing the crisis for political gain, saying that local law authorities could have handled the protests without the National Guard.
On Sunday, he blasted border chief Homan, telling MSNBC: "Come after me, arrest me, let's just get it over with, tough guy."
The Democrat then branded Trump as "dictatorial" later Monday after the Trump administration deployed 700 active-duty Marines to Los Angeles.--AFP

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New Straits Times
26 minutes ago
- New Straits Times
Trump deploying thousands more National Guard, US Marines to protest-hit LA
WASHINGTON: President Donald Trump's administration said Monday it was sending 700 US Marines and thousands more National Guard troops to Los Angeles, sparking a furious response from California's governor over the "deranged" deployment. Trump had already mobilised 2,000 National Guard members to the country's second most populous city on Saturday, with some 300 taking up positions protecting federal buildings and officers on Sunday. On Monday – the fourth day of protests against immigration raids in the city that have seen some scuffles with law enforcement – the Trump administration announced the mobilisation of the 700 Marines as well as an "additional" 2,000 National Guard. A senior administration official told AFP that "active-duty US Marines from Camp Pendleton will be deployed to Los Angeles to help protect federal agents and buildings." The official first gave a figure of 500 Marines, but later updated the number to 700. Deploying active duty military personnel like US Marines into a community of civilians within the United States is a highly unusual measure. The US military separately confirmed the deployment of "approximately 700 Marines" from an infantry battalion following the unrest. They would "seamlessly integrate" with National Guard forces that Trump deployed to Los Angeles on Saturday without the consent of California's Democratic Governor Gavin Newsom. The deployment was meant to ensure there were "adequate numbers of forces," it added. Pentagon spokesman Sean Parnell then announced the mobilisation of "an additional 2,000 California National Guard to be called into federal service to support ICE (Immigration and Customs Enforcement) & to enable federal law-enforcement officers to safely conduct their duties." It was not immediately clear if the "additional" 2,000 guardsmen were on top of the 2,000 that had already been mobilised, or only the 300 that were already in the streets of Los Angeles. Newsom wasted little time accusing the president of sowing "chaos" in Los Angeles. "Trump is trying to provoke chaos by sending 4,000 soldiers onto American soil," the governor posted on X. Earlier, he slammed the "deranged" decision by "dictatorial" Trump to send in Marines.


Free Malaysia Today
29 minutes ago
- Free Malaysia Today
Trump to keep Starlink at White House despite break with Musk
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Malay Mail
an hour ago
- Malay Mail
Asean and East Asian Summit must stress fiscal prudence over firepower — Phar Kim Beng
JUNE 10 — As President Donald Trump, ostensibly, prepares for his appearances at the East Asia Summit in Kuala Lumpur this mid October 2025 — with no assurance of showing up unlike other Heads of States that are the Strategic Dialogue Partners of Asean — all signs point to him pushing a familiar and blunt message: America's allies and partners in Asia must spend more on US arms. But if past and current trends are any indication, Trump's appeals are likely to fall on deaf ears. The region is not just weary of increased militarization—it is actively rejecting Washington's insistence that defense budgets be inflated at the expense of economic recovery and long-term stability. There is an inherent contradiction in Trump's demands. A president who places tariffs on allies—from Japan to South Korea to even Southeast Asian nations—cannot reasonably expect those same countries to increase military procurement from the United States. The message from Washington is one of transactional loyalty, not strategic partnership. And in Asia, where historical memory is long and national budgets are tight, such coercive diplomacy rarely works. Strategic Mistrust Cloaked as Defense Diplomacy The push for higher defense spending has long been a hallmark of US foreign policy, particularly under Republican administrations that view military preponderance as a symbol of leadership. Trump's doctrine—though lacking a coherent strategy—is clear in its intent: to boost American arms exports and reduce the US security burden by compelling others to foot the bill. However, the underlying tone of Washington's approach under Trump is steeped in mistrust. By questioning the reliability of alliances and imposing punitive tariffs even on long-standing partners, Trump has eroded the very strategic trust necessary for such defense cooperation. Asian states are acutely aware that accepting US weapons often comes with strings attached—operational constraints, technology limitations, political conditionality, and long-term maintenance dependencies. Moreover, many of these nations are engaged in delicate balancing acts between China and the United States. A sudden uptick in American arms purchases could be seen not as deterrence but as provocation. The Regional Response: Prioritizing Growth and Stability In Southeast Asia and beyond, national budgets are being reoriented toward post-pandemic recovery, climate resilience, digital infrastructure, and education reform. There is little appetite—public or political—for ballooning defense outlays. US Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth speaks at the IISS Shangri-La Dialogue security summit in Singapore May 31, 2025. — Reuters pic Countries such as Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines, and even Thailand have publicly emphasized the need for economic investments, not military escalation. Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) and Domestic Direct Investment (DDI) are seen as stabilizing forces, offering job creation, technology transfer, and revenue generation. Arms deals, in contrast, represent capital outflows with limited downstream benefits. Indeed, even where defense procurement is on the agenda, the priority is on affordability, multilateral interoperability, and reduced dependency on any single supplier. This explains why Asian countries have diversified their sources—turning to Turkiye, South Korea, France, and even indigenous defense development—rather than doubling down on American options. Moreover, there is growing recognition that security in Asia is not only military. Non-traditional threats—such as cyberattacks, piracy, human trafficking, illegal fishing, and climate-related disasters—require a broader toolkit than fighter jets and missile systems. In forums such as the Asean Defence Ministers' Meeting Plus (ADMM-Plus), the emphasis is on capacity building, joint training, and regional resilience. Arms races are anathema to these priorities. The Trump Tariff Trap The irony is that Trump's own economic policies undercut his strategic objectives. By erecting tariff walls against Asian exports—often under the pretext of 'national security'—Trump has undermined regional confidence in US economic leadership. Countries like South Korea and Japan have had to endure hostile tariff actions despite hosting major US bases. Asean member states, particularly those with growing manufacturing sectors, find themselves penalized even as they are asked to bolster America's geostrategic posture. The result is a transactional model of diplomacy that few in Asia are willing to accept. Nations across the Indo-Pacific see the US demand for greater defense spending not as a shared responsibility but as an imposition—one that prioritizes America's arms industry over regional economic needs. The message from Washington is clear: buy our weapons or risk being labeled unreliable. But the response from Asia is equally clear: we will spend where it matters most—for our people and our future. The Myth of Free Riding It is fashionable in Washington to accuse Asian partners of free riding—benefitting from American security guarantees without proportionate contributions. Yet this narrative ignores the reality on the ground. South Korea contributes billions to the upkeep of US forces, Japan provides extensive basing support, and the Philippines, despite its domestic constraints, allows rotational US deployments. These are not passive beneficiaries but active participants in regional security architecture. In Southeast Asia, countries have consistently engaged in multilateral peacekeeping, counterterrorism, and maritime cooperation. Their contributions may not be measured in F-35 purchases, but in the daily grind of maintaining regional peace and order. The call for 5 per cent of GDP on defense—echoed by voices like US Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth—is simply out of step with the fiscal realities of the region. Asean alone is short of at least US$1.5 trillion in development expenditure with Indonesia needing at least a third of this figure. Such a benchmark, if adopted, would severely hamper development goals and spark unnecessary regional tensions. The Path Ahead: Economic Security First As the region looks ahead to the next decade, it is clear that economic security will remain paramount. The East Asia Summit in Kuala Lumpur and Asean Summits in Kuala Lumpur this year and Manila the next, must provide platforms for frank dialogue. Trump may once again present a tough case for American arms purchases. But Asia's answer, if rooted in pragmatism and sovereignty, will be a firm 'No.' The way forward lies in deeper economic integration, industrial upgrading, and human capital development. Strategic autonomy does not require blind purchases of US weaponry. It requires building national capabilities in science, technology, and innovation. It requires policy consistency—not shifting tariff threats. And it requires mutual respect—not coercive diplomacy dressed as alliance-building. Washington must come to terms with a changing Asia—one that is no longer beholden to Cold War mentalities or dependent on unilateral guarantees. The region seeks cooperation, not compliance. In the face of Trump's renewed pressure, Asian capitals are likely to stand their ground, not out of defiance, but out of necessity. After all, the most enduring security lies not in missiles and tanks, but in resilient economies and empowered societies. * Phar Kim Beng is Professor of Asean Studies at the International Islamic University Malaysia and Senior Visiting Fellow at the University of Cambridge. ** This is the personal opinion of the writer or publication and does not necessarily represent the views of Malay Mail.