
Sudan Nashra: RSF reclaim strategic areas in Kordofan, bomb hospital in Obeid Burhan forms committee to investigate US chemical weapons claim
As ground battles between the military and the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) shift to the Kordofan states in western Sudan, newly appointed Prime Minister Kamel Idriss arrived in Port Sudan to formally assume office for the renewed transitional period.
Idriss is working to assemble his administrative team in secrecy, a source in the cabinet told Mada Masr, and has yet to engage with any political or military blocs for the new government. According to a source in the Transitional Sovereignty Council (TSC), Idriss is expected to retain some ministers and has been granted full autonomy in selecting his cabinet without interference from either the military or the council. The source also ruled out the inclusion of any armed group not party to the Juba Peace Agreement in the new government.
Meanwhile, in response to accusations from the United States that Sudan has used chemical weapons — and Washington's decision to impose sanctions — TSC Chair and military Commander-in-Chief Abdel Fattah al-Burhan ordered the formation of a committee to investigate the claims. A senior Foreign Ministry official said the move was made at the ministry's recommendation to adhere to international protocol.
On the health front, a major surge in the cholera outbreak has swept through the capital Khartoum, with Omdurman at the epicenter. The disease is spreading rapidly amid a collapsed healthcare system and widespread water contamination, exacerbated by RSF shelling of water and electricity stations. Overcrowded hospitals have left patients receiving treatment in the streets.
In North Kordofan, an RSF drone strike hit the Daman Hospital in Obeid, killing six people and injuring several others, including medical staff. The attack caused heavy damage and forced the hospital out of service, further straining an already overwhelmed health infrastructure.
On the battlefield, the RSF regained control of strategic areas in South and West Kordofan, including Debeibat, Hammadi and Khawi, following a major build-up in the region to push back the military's advance toward Darfur.
***
New prime minister arrives in Port Sudan
Newly appointed Prime Minister Kamel Idriss arrived in Port Sudan on Thursday ahead of his anticipated swearing in and formal assumption of duties in Sudan's administrative capital.
His appointment was announced when Burhan issued a constitutional decree on May 19, naming Idriss — an independent former presidential hopeful and UN official — as prime minister. The move followed internal disputes within the TSC over the earlier nominee, Sudan's Ambassador to Saudi Arabia Dafallah al-Hajj Ali, whose ties to the former regime, coupled with the sweeping authorities granted to the premiership's position, sparked concerns among the council's members.
Idriss is assembling his administrative team in secrecy and has not yet communicated with any political or military groups to form the new government, a senior cabinet official told Mada Masr.
The new prime minister — the first in the position since transitional Prime Minister Abdalla Hamdok resigned in January 2022 — is expected to retain several current ministers, an informed source in the TSC told Mada Masr, stressing that the choice of cabinet members will be entirely his, without input from the military or the TSC. As for armed groups fighting alongside the military, the source said there has been no communication or appointments that would include any armed faction other than those signatory to the Juba Peace Agreement.
Local reports had suggested military-allied Sudan Shield Forces led by Abu Agla Keikel and Baraa ibn Malik brigades would be part of Idriss's upcoming government.
Government spokesperson Khalid al-Eaisar described Idriss's arrival in Port Sudan as marking 'a new chapter of hope and democratic transition.'
***
Burhan orders investigation into US allegations of chemical weapons use
Sudan will face US sanctions over the use of chemical weapons in 2024, the US State Department stated on May 22, a claim the government denied, calling it 'unsubstantiated.'
The sanctions include restrictions on US exports to Sudan and limits on access to US government credit lines.
In response, Burhan issued a decree on Thursday establishing a national committee to investigate the allegations.
The Sudanese Foreign Ministry said in a statement that the formation of the committee reflects 'compliance with Sudan's international obligations, including the Chemical Weapons Convention,' and aligns with the government's 'policy of transparency.' The ministry also reiterated Sudan's rejection of the US accusations.
Government spokesperson Khalid al-Eaisar condemned the US decision a day after it was made public, describing it as part of a broader pattern of missteps in Washington's policy toward Sudan. 'What distinguishes the present moment,' he said, 'is that such interventions — devoid of moral and legal justification — are further eroding Washington's credibility and shutting the door to any future influence in Sudan through its unilateral and unjust actions.'
According to Burhan's decree, the national committee will include representatives from the ministries of foreign affairs and defense, as well as the General Intelligence Service. It has been tasked with investigating the claims and submitting its report promptly.
A senior official at the Foreign Ministry told Mada Masr that the committee was formed based on ministry recommendations to adhere to diplomatic protocols rather than resorting to political responses. The US claims lack any supporting evidence, the official added, emphasizing the importance of grounding Sudan's response in international principles.
***
RSF regains control of strategic areas in South, West Kordofan
Territorial control in Kordofan continues to shift between the military and the RSF as the former presses to assert control in the region and push toward Darfur. Over the past week, the RSF retook strategic areas following heavy clashes.
Fighting broke out Thursday in the city of Debeibat, South Kordofan, where the RSF ultimately reclaimed control, a field source told Mada Masr. The paramilitary group stated that it had inflicted heavy losses on the military and its allied forces, reiterating its intent to retake all territory held by the military.
The field source said the RSF also seized the town of Hammadi on its northward advance. Videos circulated by RSF fighters appear to confirm their presence in the area. The military had taken control of Hammadi on May 13 and stormed Debeibat on May 23, before the RSF reversed those gains.
On Thursday afternoon, the military carried out several airstrikes on RSF gatherings inside Debeibat, resulting in casualties, including injuries to a prominent RSF commander in Kordofan, another field source told Mada Masr.
The RSF had been mobilizing large forces from Kordofan and Darfur over the past few days to push back the military's advance and recapture key strategic areas, the source said.
Debeibat holds a strategic importance as a junction linking the three Kordofan states. For the military, control of the city would have paved the way to the city of Dalang in South Kordofan and allowed the military to lift the siege on its forces there — forces that have previously engaged in heavy fighting with the RSF and allied militias in the same region.
Simultaneously, the RSF launched a large-scale attack on the town of Khawi in West Kordofan on Thursday, capturing it on Friday morning after the military retreated. A local source told Mada Masr that RSF fighters bypassed an advanced military defense line and reached the town's outskirts.
In a statement on Thursday, military-allied armed movements' joint force said that it secured a 'sweeping victory' in the Khawi front and that the battle took place just kilometers outside the town. The statement said 344 RSF fighters, including field commanders, were killed, and 67 trucks were destroyed before the remaining RSF forces fled.
But the RSF resumed its offensive on Khawi and ultimately established full control the following day, pushing military units, allied armed movements and supporting battalions back toward the outskirts of Obeid, a local source told Mada Masr. RSF troops also advanced northward from South Kordofan to the Kazgil area south of Obeid, the capital of North Kordofan.
Khawi has seen repeated rounds of heavy fighting, most notably on May 13, when the military dealt a significant blow to the RSF. The town serves as an advanced defensive line for Obeid and holds economic significance for its large gum arabic and livestock markets.
At this stage of the Kordofan campaign, a former military officer told Mada Masr, the military's operational objective is to wear down RSF forces and selectively destroy strategic targets before reclaiming territory. Movements on the ground, they said, should be interpreted within that context.
***
RSF strike shuts down Daman Hospital in Obeid
The RSF bombed the Daman Hospital in Obeid, capital of the North Kordofan State on Friday, killing and injuring several people and incapacitating the hospital.
The hospital administration announced that operations have been suspended until further notice due to the extensive structural damage caused by what it described as a strategic drone strike by the Rapid Support Forces. All staff have been placed on a two-week leave.
The Sudanese Doctors' Network said in a statement that six people were killed and 14 others injured in the attack, which they confirmed rendered the hospital non-operational. The Emergency Lawyers group, meanwhile, said 15 were injured, including patients, their companions and medical staff.
Having Daman Hospital out of service compounds an already dire healthcare situation in the city, the group said.
***
Khartoum grapples with cholera surge amid collapse of health, basic services
Cholera cases in Khartoum State have surged dramatically, rising from 90 to 815 reported cases per day between May 15 and 25, according to the United Nations Children's Fund (UNICEF). Since January, the state has recorded more than 7,700 cases and 185 deaths.
Federal Health Minister Haitham Mohamed Ibrahim, on the other hand, estimated on May 24 that cholera cases climbed to a weekly average of 600 to 700 new infections per week over the previous four weeks.
The outbreak comes as more than 34,000 people have returned to Khartoum State in 2025, UNICEF said, many of whom are coming back to homes damaged by fighting with little or no access to essential services, including clean water and sanitation. Around 26,500 children in the state's Jebel Awliya and Khartoum localities are suffering from severe acute malnutrition, leaving them especially vulnerable to cholera infections.
Attacks on power infrastructure have severely disrupted electricity and water supplies, forcing families to rely on unsafe water sources and worsening the spread of waterborne diseases, UNICEF added.
Just 10 percent of Khartoum's water pumping stations remain operational, while RSF drone strikes deliberately targeted many power facilities, Ibrahim said in a seminar organized by the Health Ministry on Wednesday, which Mada Masr attended. This forced many to rely on untreated Nile water, he added.
Nationwide, the disease has infected 23,736 people and claimed 672 lives since the start of the war, with the majority of cases concentrated in Khartoum, according to Ibrahim.
The capital's health sector is nearing total collapse. An estimated 90 percent of hospitals are now closed — either destroyed or lacking essential medical supplies, he said. The few facilities still functioning are severely overburdened by the recent spike of patients and face acute shortages of basic medicines, often having to resort to treating people in the hospital's corridors, waiting areas, or even on the streets outside, he said.
Omdurman, one of the cities that make up the capital, has particularly borne the brunt of the crisis since last week. At the Naw Hospital, volunteers told Mada Masr that 118 new infections and 24 deaths were recorded inside the isolation ward alone on Tuesday and Wednesday, while another 15 patients who had arrived in critical condition died shortly after. To cope with the numbers, the federal health ministry has transferred patients to other facilities, including Bashaer, Rajhi, Um Badda, Omdurman, and Mohamed al-Amin Hamed Children's Hospital, a volunteer said.
In Um Badda, west of Omdurman, an emergency room member told Mada Masr there is a spread of cholera and acute diarrhea, largely due to contaminated drinking water. The member reported 420 cholera cases and 72 deaths over just two days near Um Badda Hospital — a spike likely linked to the transfer of infected patients.
In eastern Khartoum, a member of the East Nile emergency room told Mada Masr that over 80 cholera cases, including five deaths, have been documented at the Ban Gadid Hospital in recent days, noting a wider outbreak spanning the Ban Gadid and Umdawanban hospitals.
The situation is further compounded by ongoing power outages, which are disabling vital medical equipment and spoiling life-saving medicines and vaccines that require refrigeration, Ibrahim said in the seminar. Medical staff across Khartoum continue to work in perilous conditions, often without security or adequate supplies.

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Mada
2 days ago
- Mada
Sudan Nashra: RSF reclaim strategic areas in Kordofan, bomb hospital in Obeid Burhan forms committee to investigate US chemical weapons claim
As ground battles between the military and the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) shift to the Kordofan states in western Sudan, newly appointed Prime Minister Kamel Idriss arrived in Port Sudan to formally assume office for the renewed transitional period. Idriss is working to assemble his administrative team in secrecy, a source in the cabinet told Mada Masr, and has yet to engage with any political or military blocs for the new government. According to a source in the Transitional Sovereignty Council (TSC), Idriss is expected to retain some ministers and has been granted full autonomy in selecting his cabinet without interference from either the military or the council. The source also ruled out the inclusion of any armed group not party to the Juba Peace Agreement in the new government. Meanwhile, in response to accusations from the United States that Sudan has used chemical weapons — and Washington's decision to impose sanctions — TSC Chair and military Commander-in-Chief Abdel Fattah al-Burhan ordered the formation of a committee to investigate the claims. A senior Foreign Ministry official said the move was made at the ministry's recommendation to adhere to international protocol. On the health front, a major surge in the cholera outbreak has swept through the capital Khartoum, with Omdurman at the epicenter. The disease is spreading rapidly amid a collapsed healthcare system and widespread water contamination, exacerbated by RSF shelling of water and electricity stations. Overcrowded hospitals have left patients receiving treatment in the streets. In North Kordofan, an RSF drone strike hit the Daman Hospital in Obeid, killing six people and injuring several others, including medical staff. The attack caused heavy damage and forced the hospital out of service, further straining an already overwhelmed health infrastructure. On the battlefield, the RSF regained control of strategic areas in South and West Kordofan, including Debeibat, Hammadi and Khawi, following a major build-up in the region to push back the military's advance toward Darfur. *** New prime minister arrives in Port Sudan Newly appointed Prime Minister Kamel Idriss arrived in Port Sudan on Thursday ahead of his anticipated swearing in and formal assumption of duties in Sudan's administrative capital. His appointment was announced when Burhan issued a constitutional decree on May 19, naming Idriss — an independent former presidential hopeful and UN official — as prime minister. The move followed internal disputes within the TSC over the earlier nominee, Sudan's Ambassador to Saudi Arabia Dafallah al-Hajj Ali, whose ties to the former regime, coupled with the sweeping authorities granted to the premiership's position, sparked concerns among the council's members. Idriss is assembling his administrative team in secrecy and has not yet communicated with any political or military groups to form the new government, a senior cabinet official told Mada Masr. The new prime minister — the first in the position since transitional Prime Minister Abdalla Hamdok resigned in January 2022 — is expected to retain several current ministers, an informed source in the TSC told Mada Masr, stressing that the choice of cabinet members will be entirely his, without input from the military or the TSC. As for armed groups fighting alongside the military, the source said there has been no communication or appointments that would include any armed faction other than those signatory to the Juba Peace Agreement. Local reports had suggested military-allied Sudan Shield Forces led by Abu Agla Keikel and Baraa ibn Malik brigades would be part of Idriss's upcoming government. Government spokesperson Khalid al-Eaisar described Idriss's arrival in Port Sudan as marking 'a new chapter of hope and democratic transition.' *** Burhan orders investigation into US allegations of chemical weapons use Sudan will face US sanctions over the use of chemical weapons in 2024, the US State Department stated on May 22, a claim the government denied, calling it 'unsubstantiated.' The sanctions include restrictions on US exports to Sudan and limits on access to US government credit lines. In response, Burhan issued a decree on Thursday establishing a national committee to investigate the allegations. The Sudanese Foreign Ministry said in a statement that the formation of the committee reflects 'compliance with Sudan's international obligations, including the Chemical Weapons Convention,' and aligns with the government's 'policy of transparency.' The ministry also reiterated Sudan's rejection of the US accusations. Government spokesperson Khalid al-Eaisar condemned the US decision a day after it was made public, describing it as part of a broader pattern of missteps in Washington's policy toward Sudan. 'What distinguishes the present moment,' he said, 'is that such interventions — devoid of moral and legal justification — are further eroding Washington's credibility and shutting the door to any future influence in Sudan through its unilateral and unjust actions.' According to Burhan's decree, the national committee will include representatives from the ministries of foreign affairs and defense, as well as the General Intelligence Service. It has been tasked with investigating the claims and submitting its report promptly. A senior official at the Foreign Ministry told Mada Masr that the committee was formed based on ministry recommendations to adhere to diplomatic protocols rather than resorting to political responses. The US claims lack any supporting evidence, the official added, emphasizing the importance of grounding Sudan's response in international principles. *** RSF regains control of strategic areas in South, West Kordofan Territorial control in Kordofan continues to shift between the military and the RSF as the former presses to assert control in the region and push toward Darfur. Over the past week, the RSF retook strategic areas following heavy clashes. Fighting broke out Thursday in the city of Debeibat, South Kordofan, where the RSF ultimately reclaimed control, a field source told Mada Masr. The paramilitary group stated that it had inflicted heavy losses on the military and its allied forces, reiterating its intent to retake all territory held by the military. The field source said the RSF also seized the town of Hammadi on its northward advance. Videos circulated by RSF fighters appear to confirm their presence in the area. The military had taken control of Hammadi on May 13 and stormed Debeibat on May 23, before the RSF reversed those gains. On Thursday afternoon, the military carried out several airstrikes on RSF gatherings inside Debeibat, resulting in casualties, including injuries to a prominent RSF commander in Kordofan, another field source told Mada Masr. The RSF had been mobilizing large forces from Kordofan and Darfur over the past few days to push back the military's advance and recapture key strategic areas, the source said. Debeibat holds a strategic importance as a junction linking the three Kordofan states. For the military, control of the city would have paved the way to the city of Dalang in South Kordofan and allowed the military to lift the siege on its forces there — forces that have previously engaged in heavy fighting with the RSF and allied militias in the same region. Simultaneously, the RSF launched a large-scale attack on the town of Khawi in West Kordofan on Thursday, capturing it on Friday morning after the military retreated. A local source told Mada Masr that RSF fighters bypassed an advanced military defense line and reached the town's outskirts. In a statement on Thursday, military-allied armed movements' joint force said that it secured a 'sweeping victory' in the Khawi front and that the battle took place just kilometers outside the town. The statement said 344 RSF fighters, including field commanders, were killed, and 67 trucks were destroyed before the remaining RSF forces fled. But the RSF resumed its offensive on Khawi and ultimately established full control the following day, pushing military units, allied armed movements and supporting battalions back toward the outskirts of Obeid, a local source told Mada Masr. RSF troops also advanced northward from South Kordofan to the Kazgil area south of Obeid, the capital of North Kordofan. Khawi has seen repeated rounds of heavy fighting, most notably on May 13, when the military dealt a significant blow to the RSF. The town serves as an advanced defensive line for Obeid and holds economic significance for its large gum arabic and livestock markets. At this stage of the Kordofan campaign, a former military officer told Mada Masr, the military's operational objective is to wear down RSF forces and selectively destroy strategic targets before reclaiming territory. Movements on the ground, they said, should be interpreted within that context. *** RSF strike shuts down Daman Hospital in Obeid The RSF bombed the Daman Hospital in Obeid, capital of the North Kordofan State on Friday, killing and injuring several people and incapacitating the hospital. The hospital administration announced that operations have been suspended until further notice due to the extensive structural damage caused by what it described as a strategic drone strike by the Rapid Support Forces. All staff have been placed on a two-week leave. The Sudanese Doctors' Network said in a statement that six people were killed and 14 others injured in the attack, which they confirmed rendered the hospital non-operational. The Emergency Lawyers group, meanwhile, said 15 were injured, including patients, their companions and medical staff. Having Daman Hospital out of service compounds an already dire healthcare situation in the city, the group said. *** Khartoum grapples with cholera surge amid collapse of health, basic services Cholera cases in Khartoum State have surged dramatically, rising from 90 to 815 reported cases per day between May 15 and 25, according to the United Nations Children's Fund (UNICEF). Since January, the state has recorded more than 7,700 cases and 185 deaths. Federal Health Minister Haitham Mohamed Ibrahim, on the other hand, estimated on May 24 that cholera cases climbed to a weekly average of 600 to 700 new infections per week over the previous four weeks. The outbreak comes as more than 34,000 people have returned to Khartoum State in 2025, UNICEF said, many of whom are coming back to homes damaged by fighting with little or no access to essential services, including clean water and sanitation. Around 26,500 children in the state's Jebel Awliya and Khartoum localities are suffering from severe acute malnutrition, leaving them especially vulnerable to cholera infections. Attacks on power infrastructure have severely disrupted electricity and water supplies, forcing families to rely on unsafe water sources and worsening the spread of waterborne diseases, UNICEF added. Just 10 percent of Khartoum's water pumping stations remain operational, while RSF drone strikes deliberately targeted many power facilities, Ibrahim said in a seminar organized by the Health Ministry on Wednesday, which Mada Masr attended. This forced many to rely on untreated Nile water, he added. Nationwide, the disease has infected 23,736 people and claimed 672 lives since the start of the war, with the majority of cases concentrated in Khartoum, according to Ibrahim. The capital's health sector is nearing total collapse. An estimated 90 percent of hospitals are now closed — either destroyed or lacking essential medical supplies, he said. The few facilities still functioning are severely overburdened by the recent spike of patients and face acute shortages of basic medicines, often having to resort to treating people in the hospital's corridors, waiting areas, or even on the streets outside, he said. Omdurman, one of the cities that make up the capital, has particularly borne the brunt of the crisis since last week. At the Naw Hospital, volunteers told Mada Masr that 118 new infections and 24 deaths were recorded inside the isolation ward alone on Tuesday and Wednesday, while another 15 patients who had arrived in critical condition died shortly after. To cope with the numbers, the federal health ministry has transferred patients to other facilities, including Bashaer, Rajhi, Um Badda, Omdurman, and Mohamed al-Amin Hamed Children's Hospital, a volunteer said. In Um Badda, west of Omdurman, an emergency room member told Mada Masr there is a spread of cholera and acute diarrhea, largely due to contaminated drinking water. The member reported 420 cholera cases and 72 deaths over just two days near Um Badda Hospital — a spike likely linked to the transfer of infected patients. In eastern Khartoum, a member of the East Nile emergency room told Mada Masr that over 80 cholera cases, including five deaths, have been documented at the Ban Gadid Hospital in recent days, noting a wider outbreak spanning the Ban Gadid and Umdawanban hospitals. The situation is further compounded by ongoing power outages, which are disabling vital medical equipment and spoiling life-saving medicines and vaccines that require refrigeration, Ibrahim said in the seminar. Medical staff across Khartoum continue to work in perilous conditions, often without security or adequate supplies.


Egypt Independent
2 days ago
- Egypt Independent
US to impose sanctions on Sudan after finding government used chemical weapons
(Reuters) – The United States said on Thursday it would impose sanctions on Sudan after determining that its government used chemical weapons in 2024 during the army's conflict with the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces, a charge the army denied. Measures against Sudan will include limits on US exports and US government lines of credit and will take effect around June 6, after Congress was notified on Thursday, State Department spokesperson Tammy Bruce said in a statement. 'The United States calls on the Government of Sudan to cease all chemical weapons use and uphold its obligations under the CWC,' Bruce said, referring to the Chemical Weapons Convention treaty banning the use of such weapons. In a statement, Sudan rejected the move, and described the allegations as false. 'This interference, which lacks any moral or legal basis, deprives Washington of what is left of its credibility and closes the door to any influence in Sudan,' government spokesperson Khalid al-Eisir said on Friday. The war in Sudan erupted in April 2023 from a power struggle between the army and the RSF, unleashing waves of ethnic violence, creating the world's worst humanitarian crisis and plunging several areas into famine. Tens of thousands of people have been killed and about 13 million displaced. Washington in January imposed sanctions on army chief Abdel Fattah al-Burhan, accusing him of choosing war over negotiations to bring an end to the conflict. The US has also determined members of the RSF and allied militias committed genocide and imposed sanctions on some of the group's leadership, including RSF leader General Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo, known as Hemedti. The New York Times reported in January, citing four senior US officials, that the Sudanese army had used chemical weapons at least twice during the conflict, deploying the weapons in remote areas of the country. Two officials briefed on the matter said the chemical weapons appeared to use chlorine gas, which can cause lasting damage to human tissue, the New York Times reported at the time. Bruce's statement said the US had formally determined on April 24 under the Chemical and Biological Weapons Control and Warfare Elimination Act of 1991 that the government of Sudan used chemical weapons last year, but did not specify what weapons were used, precisely when or where. 'The United States remains fully committed to hold to account those responsible for contributing to chemical weapons proliferation,' Bruce said. 'The intention here is to distract from the recent campaign in Congress against the UAE,' a Sudanese diplomatic source said. The source said the US could have gone to the Organisation for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons to investigate the claims and neglected to do so. Sudan's government is aligned with the army. It cut diplomatic relations with the UAE this month, saying the Gulf power was aiding the RSF with supplies of advanced weaponry in the devastating conflict that broke out following disagreements over the integration of the two forces. The UAE has denied the allegations and says it supports humanitarian and peace efforts. US congressional Democrats sought last Thursday to block arms sales to the United Arab Emirates over its alleged involvement in the war. Sudan said this week that the United Arab Emirates was responsible for an attack on Port Sudan this month, accusing the Gulf state for the first time of direct military intervention in the war. The UAE denied the allegations in a statement and said it condemned the attack.


Al-Ahram Weekly
7 days ago
- Al-Ahram Weekly
Sudan's forgotten war: Why we have to be scared
The idea that Sudan's war is someone else's problem is not just passive; it is dangerous, and both international and regional media have failed spectacularly. It was a student journalism forum in Cairo. The students were engaged, thoughtful, and deeply invested in the world. So, I asked them, 'What do you think is the worst humanitarian crisis today?' Their answers came quickly. Gaza. Climate change. Forest fires. Artificial intelligence. Their concern was real, their knowledge impressive. But no one mentioned Sudan. Not one student. Not because they didn't care. But because no one had told them they should. That silence is not accidental. It is produced by a global media ecosystem shaped by power, proximity, and profit. And Sudan, one of the worst crises of our time, is caught in its blind spot. A war in silence This is not a war with clear heroes. On one side stands the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF); on the other, the Rapid Support Forces (RSF), a paramilitary group that evolved from the Janjaweed militias once responsible for genocide in Darfur. Both claim to represent the state. Both are accused of committing atrocities. And both have waged another war in parallel—a war on truth. Through state-controlled media, troll farms, and coordinated misinformation campaigns on social media, each side seeks to blame the other, sow division, and erase facts. SAF deploys official narratives through national broadcasters. RSF counters with videos and testimonies from its aligned influencers and diaspora networks. Fabricated footage and deepfakes circulate on Facebook, Telegram, and WhatsApp, weaponizing fear and fueling confusion. International observers often struggle to distinguish reality from rumour. Aid workers have reported being misled by falsified evacuation alerts. Journalists are routinely threatened and harassed online by both SAF and RSF supporters. Sudan's information ecosystem is not just broken—it's booby-trapped. Caught in this crossfire are journalists—those who still try to report from the ground, often without pay, protection, or basic tools. Over 90 percent of Sudan's media infrastructure has been destroyed or shut down, while 80 percent of the country has been cut off from the internet and communications networks. Reporters are hunted, tortured, and disappeared. Hundreds of journalists have fled or gone silent. And with them, the truth itself fades. A fractured narrative Meanwhile, much of the world clings to an outdated frame that Sudan's war is tribal, inevitable, and unfixable, that it's a remote civil war rooted in local grudges. That there's nothing to be done! But that's a lie—a dangerous one. Sudan is not a land of ancient chaos. It is a country being torn apart by modern forces. Proxy powers, arms trafficking, and resource exploitation by regional and global actors are the main culprits in this humanitarian disaster. To dismiss this war as 'ethnic' or 'tribal' is not just racist. It is strategically blind. The war in Sudan is not just a domestic tragedy. It's a regional and global chessboard where foreign powers play with bloody pieces. The United Arab Emirates (UAE) has reportedly funnelled arms and logistical support to the RSF, its appetite whetted by Sudan's strategic ports, fertile farmland, and gold veins. Russia's notorious Wagner Group has long lurked in the background, guarding gold routes and training militias, though its role now seems unclear. Egypt, ever anxious about the Nile, backs the SAF, clinging to the belief that a strongman in Khartoum will protect its water security and keep Islamists at bay. Saudi Arabia publicly postures as neutral, but behind closed doors, it's been quietly brokering side deals. The United States and European Union—too distracted or too entangled in the interests of regional allies to confront the root causes of the conflict—have imposed sanctions, targeting figures from both factions for war crimes. Sanctions that rarely touch those who wage the war but instead break those trying to survive it. These powers are not mere observers. They are participants, each contributing to the conditions that allow this war to fester. Deaf ears The war in Sudan is brutal and devastating. Since April 2023, it has claimed over 30,000 lives and displaced more than 13 million people. It is the fastest-growing displacement crisis in the world. Entire cities have been razed. Khartoum, once a proud capital, has been bombarded beyond recognition. In Darfur—a place that already knows the taste of genocide—ethnic cleansing has returned. The United Nations (UN) estimates that 30 million people, more than half the population, now need humanitarian aid. It is 'the biggest humanitarian crisis ever recorded,' as the International Rescue Committee describes it. And yet, the silence is deafening. International headlines barely flinch. News segments barely mention it. Even social media—often a platform for resistance and awareness—largely looks the other way. Sudan is not just a forgotten war. It's a war deliberately ignored. Why? Sudan, perhaps, is cursed by its very identity. It is too African for the Arab world to care, too Arab for Africa to act, too Black and too poor for the Western world to care. It doesn't fit neatly into the geopolitical chessboard that determines who deserves attention and who doesn't. There are no NATO interests here. No shiny economic incentives. No oil or gas. No European borders at risk of being overwhelmed—not yet, at least. No viral footage of white children under rubble. And so, the war is rendered invisible—not because it isn't catastrophic, but because it doesn't serve the right narratives. The international media has blood on its hands. Its choices help determine which lives are mourned and which are ignored. Bosnia taught us this. The horrors there became impossible to dismiss when news cameras poured in, giving voice to victims and shame to the West. Global awareness shifted political will. Contrast that with Rwanda, where 800,000 people were slaughtered in 100 days while international media mostly yawned. Or Congo, where a war that killed over five million people was buried under apathy. The disparity is not just a matter of coverage. It is a matter of consequence. Attention can bring aid, pressure, and political action. Neglect emboldens killers. Whose lives matter? Look at the Israeli war on Gaza. Global outrage has surged not simply because of the scale of suffering—though that is immense—but because Western governments are entangled in the bloodshed. The war has significant political implications in Washington and the oil-rich Middle East, making it difficult for the media to look away. Syria only became 'real' to the West when a dead toddler, Alan Kurdi, washed up on European shores, and refugee boats started to flood their coasts. Yemen was remembered only when Houthi missiles threatened the Red Sea trade. Sudan, by contrast, offers nothing to global powers but moral inconvenience. And so, it stays in the shadows. Behind the geopolitics and the media silence are real people. Mothers giving birth in bombed-out hospitals. Children growing up with nothing but hunger and fear. Journalists risking their lives to document horrors no one will publish. Young activists streaming online from basements, begging the world to care. They are not collateral. They are not peripheral. They are human beings screaming into the void. 'The war in Sudan is a war on people—a reality that grows more evident by the day,' Christopher Lockyear, MSF Secretary General, told the UN in March. And for this, exactly, we should be scared. We should be scared because of what our indifference says about us. A world that only pays attention when it's convenient—when the victims look familiar or the violence threatens the West—is a world teetering on the edge of moral collapse, a world that will pay the price. Make no mistake: this isn't just a moral failure. It's a strategic one. Sudan is not isolated. It lies in the heart of an already fractured region, bordered by South Sudan, Chad, Ethiopia, Eritrea, Egypt, and Libya. All states on the verge of instability—or already consumed by it. Instability here spreads like wildfire. And yet, the international community behaves as though it has learned nothing from Afghanistan. Remember that 'forgotten war'? Left to burn out of sight, Afghanistan was handed to warlords, fundamentalists, and foreign agendas. In that vacuum, Al-Qaeda rose. Then ISIS. Entire movements were born when global attention faded, in the silence that followed after the cameras packed up and the stories fell off the news cycle. Sudan now stands on that same cliff's edge. Like Yemen, the fire in Sudan is not contained. It sits precariously close to global arteries of commerce. Sudan's strategic position on the Red Sea places it just miles from the Suez Canal, one of the world's most vital maritime trade routes. It shares a tense border with Saudi Arabia and lies directly in the path of critical supply chains connecting Asia, Africa, and Europe. Should the conflict spill outward, it could disrupt international shipping, fuel spikes in energy and commodity prices, and trigger a new wave of instability in the Horn of Africa and beyond. The idea that Sudan's war is someone else's problem is not just passive—it is dangerous. And both international and regional media have failed spectacularly. The Arab world's news outlets are too often entangled in the political interests of their governments to amplify Sudan's suffering. African media, overwhelmed by crises on their own soil, have largely relegated Sudan's war to background noise. Western media, meanwhile, remain transfixed by the conflicts that touch their own borders or challenge their strategic priorities. But journalism is not meant to serve convenience. As Hani Shukrallah once wrote: 'The journalist's duty is not just to inform, but to advocate for justice, to expose oppression, and to stand with the marginalized. In societies where power is unchecked, journalism becomes a form of resistance.' Sudan is not someone else's war. It is a test. And if we fail this test—if we continue to look away—the cost won't just be paid in Sudan. It will come back to haunt us all. Follow us on: Facebook Instagram Whatsapp Short link: