Organisations plant peepal sapling and announce Buddha Gaya project in Mysuru
Mysuru: A section of Dalit and progressive organisations planted a sapling of a peepal tree in Harohalli in Jayapura hobli of the district on Wednesday and announced plans to build the Buddha Gaya of South India.
Mysuru taluk panchayat former member Suresh Kumar donated one acre for the proposed Buddha Gaya project. The sapling was planted during the Dhamma Sankalpa event held in the village.
Krishna Shila, which was used to carve the Ram Lalla idol of Ayodhya, was taken from this village. Speaking on the occasion, former mayor Purushottama stated that they do not need a Ram Mandir, which creates a rift in society. He said that while the Ram Mandir will divide society, Buddha's teachings unite them.
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Hindustan Times
8 hours ago
- Hindustan Times
Chasing Dalit vote without addressing the social divide
At the 15th Convention of the Uttar Pradesh Scheduled Caste Federation held at the Ramlila ground in Agra on March 18, 1956, BR Ambedkar shared the reasoning behind his assertion that the Scheduled Castes (SC) were not Hindus. He said, 'If we had been Hindus, then we would not have been untouchables. Instead, we would have been pujaris (priests) in the temples.' Ambedkar's words continue to echo, given that untouchability, on a much-diminished scale though, remains a social reality seven decades after it was abolished and its practice in any form declared a punishable offence. Ironically, eradicating untouchability or social isolation of Dalits is no longer a major agenda of any political party though the scheduled castes are a much-wooed vote bloc. In March this year, Agra, where Ambedkar had installed a statue of Buddha (his ashes are kept near the statue), saw caste tensions escalate after the Rajasthan-based Karni Sena ransacked the house of Samajwadi Party MP and a Dalit, Ramji Lal Suman over his unwarranted remarks about a mediaeval-era Rajput ruler, Rana Sanga. Since then, reports of Dalit wedding processions in UP, Rajasthan, and Madhya Pradesh being attacked or stopped in areas dominated by the upper castes have become frequent. The contradiction between Dalits being wooed in the electoral battlefield and rejected in the social space is not new. Dalits first emerged as a political constituency in northern India in the 1980s. The 1990s saw growing Dalit assertiveness under the leadership of the Bahujan Samaj Party, which even formed the government in Lucknow twice. At the same time, renting a house in UP on a non-Dalit street was a challenge for Dalits. In the mid-1990s, a Banaras Hindu University (BHU) professor had to hide his caste from the landlady to rent her premises in Varanasi. A Dalit intellectual, who had returned from the US to be with his aging parents, had to run from pillar to post to get decent accommodation in New Delhi. The scenario has not changed much. In 2025, a businessman in Agra failed to get a decent house, while a landlord in Prayagraj returned the advance payment after knowing the caste of the tenant. Ashok Bharti, chairman of National Confederation of Dalit and Adivasi Organisations, says, 'Being a Dalit in India means a life of challenges. Wherever, whichever direction Dalits go, caste is the monster that crosses their path. They can't buy or rent a house in a colony dominated by upper castes, Dalit children in schools can't get water or mid-day meals. In colleges, they are humiliated for accessing reservations and, in employment, their caste reaches before they join. However, the situation is improving. Dalit assertion is compelling and with the support of many progressive savarnas, they can now be seen in all places.' Untouchability infuriates Dalits, of course, but does it influence their political choices? The issue is absent in the poll agenda of even Dalit parties such as BSP, RPI, and Dalit Panthers even though they have been advocating social empowerment via political empowerment. But all political parties are pursuing the Dalit voter: Since the political preferences of major castes and communities are known, the scramble is for non-aligned Dalit voters. The success of the PDA (pichra or backward, Dalit, and alpsankhyak or minority) formula of the Samajwadi Party in the 2024 general election has intensified the wooing. This has alarmed the Sangh Parivar which has been struggling to unite the Hindu population (80% of India's population) under the Hindutva banner. It is in this context that the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) chief Mohan Bhagwat recently gave a call for social harmony — Bhagwat had been on a month-long tour of UP in April 2025. He reiterated the message in an RSS resolution — one temple, one well, and one cremation ground for all in villages to end untouchability. The 2017 resolution also noted that words and wishful thinking would not be enough. Pravin Togadia, then international working president of the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP), had asked 'every non-Dalit Hindu to befriend at least one Dalit family.' But these statements have survived mostly as gestures. As RSS cadres and BJP functionaries fan out to the rural areas to explain their commitment to the constitutional rights of Dalits, the latter reiterate Ambedkar's words: 'If RSS really wants to abolish untouchability, they should appoint Dalit pujaris (priests) in temples and start inter-caste marriages (called roti-beti ka rishta in common parlance).' That said, there is a churn within the Dalit political community. Dalits worship Ambedkar and get protective about the Constitution, but the Dalit vote is neither a consolidated bloc nor is it the monopoly of any one party. With all political parties promising them the moon, the Dalit vote bloc has disintegrated. Welfare schemes of the Union government have attracted many to the BJP. Ambedkar had said Dalits don't worship Hindu idols, but some Dalit sub-castes are making a beeline for Ayodhya and Kashi. Jatavs, the largest chunk among the Dalits, are, however, embracing Buddhism. In this melee, younger Dalits are weighing their political options. They are restless, aggressive, and aware of their rights. On May 25, Dalits of a village in UP's Etah district sent a clear message to the authorities by refusing to allow a shobha yatra to pass through their village in retaliation to the district administration's alleged discriminatory act of not granting them permission for their procession on Ambedkar Jayanti in April. The message is clear: Do not take us for granted. It is this fault line the BJP will need to address if it wants to win over Dalits and defuse caste tensions in the states under the party. The views expressed are personal.
News18
8 hours ago
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Bihar Elections 2025: Who Gains, Who Loses If AAP Contests On All 243 Seats?
Curated By : Satyaki Baidya Translation Desk Last Updated: June 12, 2025, 18:17 IST AAP is reportedly eyeing urban and young voters, traditionally seen as the support base of the RJD and Congress. (PTI/File) In a move that could reshape the dynamics of the upcoming Bihar Assembly Elections 2025, the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) has announced it will contest all 243 seats on its own. Once a part of the opposition INDIA bloc, AAP's decision to go solo is expected to add a new twist to the state's political equation, potentially affecting the fortunes of both the ruling NDA and the opposition alliance. Political experts note that despite AAP's limited support base in Bihar and its underwhelming performance in the 2024 Lok Sabha elections—where it contested a few of the 40 seats without securing any wins—the party's decision to contest all 243 assembly seats signals its growing ambitions and intent to expand its political footprint. AAP national convener Arvind Kejriwal said, 'We will go among the people in Bihar on issues like education, health, and electricity." The party is reportedly eyeing urban and young voters, traditionally seen as the support base of the Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD) and Congress. Which Alliance Stands To Lose From Kejriwal's Move? According to political commentators, AAP's move could hurt the INDIA alliance, which includes the RJD, Congress, and Left parties. RJD's core vote base in Bihar comprises Yadavs, Muslims, and Dalits, while Congress holds sway in some urban and Dalit constituencies. Many have expressed that AAP's presence may divide these votes—particularly in closely contested seats—ultimately benefiting the NDA. In the 2024 Lok Sabha elections, the INDIA bloc won 9 seats in Bihar, while the NDA secured 30. Experts note that if AAP cuts into the RJD and Congress vote share, it could directly benefit the BJP and Janata Dal (United). Which Alliance Can Benefit? Political experts believe that AAP's decision could indirectly benefit the NDA. The NDA's strength in Bihar comes from the alliance of BJP, JDU, Lok Janshakti Party (LJP), and Hindustani Awam Morcha (HAM). In the 2024 Lok Sabha elections, the NDA secured 52% of the vote share, while the INDIA alliance got 42%. According to political analyst Yashwant Deshmukh, 'Voting in Bihar is based on arithmetic. If the NDA remains united, it is difficult to defeat it." Experts note that the division of opposition votes due to AAP's presence may make it easier for the NDA to win. Swipe Left For Next Video View all Political commentators argue that AAP's decision to contest all seats is a risky move, given Bihar's political landscape shaped by complex caste equations and the dominance of strong regional parties. According to experts, while AAP's Delhi model may resonate with urban voters, regional parties like the RJD and JDU maintain deep-rooted influence in rural areas. Analysts further suggest that even if AAP secures 5–10% of the vote, it could significantly damage the INDIA bloc's prospects. Many believe that while AAP's strategy may help the party position itself as a long-term alternative in Bihar, the immediate impact is likely to hurt the INDIA alliance the most. Commentators point out that a division in opposition votes could ultimately strengthen the NDA's position. All eyes are now on how Bihar's electorate responds and how effective AAP's campaign proves to be on the ground. News elections Bihar Elections 2025: Who Gains, Who Loses If AAP Contests On All 243 Seats?
Indian Express
9 hours ago
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Beed caste atrocity shows we are still far away from achieving caste equality
Written by Neeraj Bunkar On June 4, a chilling incident in Beed district, Maharashtra, again laid bare the persistent scourge of caste-based violence in India. Vaibhav Khandagale, a Dalit man, was brutally assaulted by a mob of 10–12 'upper caste' Maratha men, some of whom were his classmates and supposedly friends. The attack, driven by casteist hatred, was not just an assault on Vaibhav's body, but also an affront to the principles of equality enshrined in our Constitution. The SC/ST (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, enacted on September 11, 1989, was designed to protect marginalised communities from caste-based discrimination and violence. It defines atrocities as 'offences' committed against Scheduled Castes (SCs) and Scheduled Tribes (STs) by non-SC/ST individuals, including acts like physical assault, humiliation, and the denial of rights. Section 3(1)(r) of the Act, cited in the FIR registered by Vaibhav in Beed, addresses intentional insults or intimidation meant to humiliate SC/ST members in public view, punishable with imprisonment from six months to five years and a fine. Section 3(1)(s) covers abuses using casteist slurs, while Section 3(2) (va) enhances penalties for offences under the Indian Penal Code (now Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita (BNS), 2023). The FIR, registered under multiple sections of the BNS, 2023 (Section 119(1) for causing hurt, Section 333 for cheating, and Section 351(2) for criminal force), alongside SC/ST Act provisions, reflects the gravity of the incident. However, the response from local authorities raises serious concerns about the Act's enforcement. Vaibhav's brother, Dhananjay, according to reports, alleges that the police delayed registering the FIR, forcing the family to wait hours at the Shirur Kasar police station. Even after persistent pressure, the police initially resisted including critical BNS sections related to attempted murder. Shockingly, a counter-complaint was reportedly filed by the wife of the main accused, falsely alleging theft and threats by Vaibhav's family. This case mirrors broader trends documented by the National Crime Records Bureau (NCRB). In 2022, India recorded 57,582 cases of atrocities against SCs, up from 50,291 in 2020. Maharashtra alone reported 2,743 cases in 2022, a steady rise from 2,569 in 2020. Uttar Pradesh topped the list with 15,368 cases, followed by Rajasthan (8,752) and Madhya Pradesh (7,733). In Maharashtra, however, the conviction rates for these crimes remain alarmingly low, undermining the Act's purpose. For SCs, the conviction rate was a mere 8.8 per cent in 2018, dipping to 7.2 per cent in 2019, rising slightly to 11.8 per cent in 2020, then falling again to 10.7 per cent in 2021 and 8.9 per cent in 2022. For STs, the rates were similarly dismal: 11.3 per cent in 2018, 11.9 per cent in 2019, 12.5 per cent in 2020, 11.8 per cent in 2021, and 12.8 per cent in 2022. By the end of 2022, 14,504 cases involving crimes against SCs and 4,149 against STs were still pending trial in Maharashtra, reflecting a backlog that delays justice for victims. The Act mandates robust mechanisms like Special Courts and Special Public Prosecutors to ensure speedy trials (Sections 14 and 15). It also prohibits anticipatory bail (Section 18) and mandates state governments to provide legal aid and rehabilitation (Section 21). Yet, Dhananjay's account of delayed police response, insensitive officers, and hospital negligence in initiating a medico-legal case highlights a gap between the law's intent and its execution. The Beed incident also exposes the social and political pressures that undermine justice. The Act's provisions for externment (Section 10) and forfeiture of property (Section 7) could deter such intimidation, but their application remains rare. The collective silence of 200 villagers during the assault further illustrates the social boycott faced by Dalit families. The SC/ST Act remains a vital shield for India's marginalised, but its effectiveness hinges on impartial enforcement and societal change. Without systemic reforms — stronger police accountability, proactive legal aid, and widespread awareness — the Act risks remaining a paper promise, leaving countless Vaibhavs vulnerable to the enduring shadow of caste. The writer is a research scholar at Nottingham Trent University, Nottingham, United Kingdom
