USC Aiken breaks ground on new Cyber Integration Center
AIKEN, S.C. (WJBF) — Big changes are coming to USC Aiken. The school's getting a major cyber training hub. USC Aiken is breaking ground on a new Cyber Integration Center.The Center cost $44 million — the Guard's biggest project since World War II. It's part of a $145 million cybersecurity upgrade in the region. It's been more than 10 years in the making.
'So after almost two years, it was actually 22 months of work that our delegation put into this, we were able to secure over $169 million for investments from the (plutonium) settlement that our colleagues in the General Assembly approved in June of 2022. And the lieutenant Governor and Governor McMaster supported us.' Sen. Tom Young shared.
The Cyber Integration Center will support defense, training, research, and workforce growth.It'll be built next to the Advanced Manufacturing Collaborative on the school's former ball fields. 'This project promises to be a platform for human and technological advancement focused on education, workforce development, prototyping, and education,' South Carolina National Guard Adj. Gen. Maj. Gen. Robin B. Stilwell said.
More than 400 cybersecurity students will get hands-on training in the center's student-run Regional Security Operations Center—one of only a few in the nation. 'RSOC provides cybersecurity protection services not only for the university, but to underserved partners such as school districts, nonprofits, and rural infrastructure,' USC Aiken Chancellor Dr. Daniel Heimmermann revealed.
Leaders want to train the next generation of cyber pros—and keep them in South Carolina. 'My commitment to you is that we'll continue to guide that, continue to send that message so that here in the US we can cultivate and really here in South Carolina the best and brightest to go into AI and cybersecurity right here in our amazing institutions,' Lieutenant Governor Pamela Evette said.
'This energy of what's happening in cyber operations and cybersecurity, in partnership with academia, with industry, with the active guard and reserve is something unique and something that is significantly contributing to our national security,' Commanding Officer of the U.S. Army Cyber Center of Excellence Maj. Gen. Ryan M. Janovic added.
Construction is expected to wrap up in 2026.
Copyright 2025 Nexstar Media, Inc. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten, or redistributed.

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
Yahoo
4 hours ago
- Yahoo
Golden Dome: Revolutionary missile defense or money pit?
Imagine a future where North Korea launches a surprise missile barrage, China unleashes a wave of hypersonics, and Russia sends intercontinental ballistic missiles arcing over the North Pole. In this nightmare scenario, the only thing standing between those warheads and millions of lives is a massive new missile defense system called The Golden Dome. However, that assumes it doesn't end up being a total boondoggle. Initially announced as The Iron Dome for America, and then glitzed up as The Golden Dome, the project, estimated to cost up to $175 billion, was ordered by President Donald Trump, who said during a May 20 press briefing that 'it should be fully operational before the end of my term, so we'll have it done in about three years.' The Dome, whether Iron or Gold, would create an all-encompassing missile shield that can detect, track, and destroy virtually any incoming aerial threat, like drones and ballistic missiles, before it strikes U.S. territory. It has been described by Space Force Gen. Michael Guetlein as a project on the scale of the Manhattan Project, the top-secret World War II initiative that produced the atomic bomb. But where that project delivered a functional weapon in just a few years, The Golden Dome faces far more complicated technical, financial, and strategic hurdles. In this video, we break down what The Golden Dome is, and isn't, like how it's not a big shimmering bubble over America and is instead an integrated network of sensors, interceptors, and data systems backed up by AI-enhanced decision-making tools. And a number of systems already in operation today will form the backbone of The Golden Dome. The Aegis Ballistic Missile Defense system, whose origin can be traced back to the Strategic Defense Initiative, uses advanced SM-3 and SM-6 interceptors to target missiles in the midcourse and terminal phases. The Terminal High Altitude Area Defense (THAAD) system, operated by the U.S. Army, is capable of high-altitude terminal intercepts and has a proven track record in live-fire testing and a handful of real-world engagements. Meanwhile, Patriot batteries, upgraded with PAC-3 and PAC-3 MSE missiles, serve as the last line of defense, targeting incoming threats at lower altitudes and closer ranges. We also dive into the price tag, which was initially estimated at $175 billion, but will likely come in at around $500 billion to $900 billion over 20 years, according to the Congressional Budget Office. And then there's the question of whether it will actually work. This type of missile defense system has never been built before, and will require dozens of systems, some of which don't exist yet, and they all have to function together seamlessly, in real time, from anywhere on the planet, but also in space. So, yeah, we'll see. A Marine Corps reply-all email apocalypse has an incredible real-life ending Army shuts down its sole active-duty information operations command Army plans to close more than 20 base museums in major reduction Former Green Beret nominated to top Pentagon position to oversee special ops The Navy's new recruiting commercial puts the 'dirt wars' in the past
Yahoo
6 hours ago
- Yahoo
World's most powerful ex-New Yorker gets a DC military parade, not a ticker-tape celebration in Manhattan's Canyon of Heroes
Donald Trump's plan for a military parade on June 14, 2025, officially to celebrate the 250th anniversary of the U.S. Army as well as coinciding with the president's 79th birthday, is yet another indication of his affinity for authoritarian leaders and regimes. Although the parade, which will include 6,000 soldiers, 150 military vehicles and 50 helicopters − and will temporarily close Reagan National Airport and cost more than US$45 million − is ostensibly to celebrate the military, the idea is pure Trump. When pressed about his desire for the parade, the president has explained his reasoning for having the parade. 'We had more to do with winning World War II than any other nation. Why don't we have a Victory Day? So we're going to have a Victory Day for World War I and for World War II.' While big military parades in Washington, D.C., other than immediately following a major military victory, are largely without precedent, there is another American city that has a much richer tradition of parades. That city is New York. New York is a parade town. It's also a city with which Trump has a long, complex relationship. Trump was born in New York and began his business career there. Before Trump was a politician, or even a reality TV star, he was a fixture in the New York tabloids. His marriages, divorces, dating life and business successes and failures were splashed across more headlines than can be easily counted beginning in the early 1980s, but Trump was always presented as a clownish figure, albeit a very rich one. In those years, continuing into the first decade of this century, the local media always presented him as gaudy, loud and not quite as business savvy as he claimed – hence the coverage of his bankruptcies. While much of the rest of the country bought the Trump narrative that he was a brilliant businessman surrounded by beautiful women, doting staff and fawning celebrities, many New Yorkers never did. New Yorkers, including me, remembered an earlier Trump who almost ran the family business into the ground over many years. Nonetheless, New York has always been important to Trump. Although he still is a well-done steak with ketchup kind of guy, while New York is a soup dumplings, or bagels and lox, or arroz con pollo, or even caviar kind of town, Trump still has a connection to this city and wants to be celebrated here. And the city celebrates with big parades honoring everything from sports championships, which used to be much more common for New York teams, to the U.S. winning wars, most recently following the first Gulf War in 1991. Additionally, New York has parades for many of the hundreds of ethnic groups that make up the city. For decades on Thanksgiving Day, as they roast their turkey, prepare the stuffing and finalize preparations for the traditional feast, millions of Americans have watched the Thanksgiving parade, which is always held in Manhattan, frequently referred to as the Macy's Day parade because Macy's has long sponsored the event. In many of New York City's legendary parades, including those celebrating LGBTQ+ pride, the Puerto Rican Day Parade, St. Patrick's Day, West Indian American Day and others, politicians march, often in the lead, alongside their constituents. Some, like the Thanksgiving parade, have their own rituals, such as watching the balloons being inflated behind the American Museum of Natural History on the evening before Thanksgiving. However, the most famous of all parade types in New York is the ticker-tape parade. Dating from the days when paper, not computers, dominated trading floors and offices, people would throw ticker tape and other papers out their windows as the parade passed through the Financial District area that became known as the Canyon of Heroes. Not all New York parades are the same. Some, like the Thanksgiving parade, are simply fun and celebratory. Ticker-tape parades honor individuals or groups that have accomplished something significant, like landing on the Moon or winning the Super Bowl. They can recognize important foreign guests and dignitaries, while other parades celebrate the contributions of various peoples or groups of New Yorkers. But New Yorkers never throw parades for their politicians and tend to favor drums and floats rather than tanks and soldiers at these events. While there are parades for all kinds of people and events in New York, there has never been a parade there for Donald Trump. There was a pretty massive street party in the city when it was announced that Trump had lost the 2020 election. Although Trump changed his primary residence to Florida in 2019, Trump was a New Yorker for many years and like many longtime residents had the chance to see many heroes – Mickey Mantle, John Glenn, Tom Seaver, Derek Jeter, Eli Manning, Nelson Mandela, American war veterans, numerous foreign leaders and many others – feted with a parade down the Canyon of Heroes. Jeter was celebrated five times, John Glenn and Mickey Mantle twice. It is impossible to know Trump's motivations for pushing the parade in the nation's capital. But we also know that he is a man who holds himself in high regard and craves attention. Trump will likely never get a parade in his erstwhile hometown, so Washington must be the next best thing. Trump's newfound parade fetish underscores his love-hate relationship with New York. New York is the city that made him famous and made his family, primarily because of his father's work, very rich. It is also the city that has repeatedly rejected Trump. It is the home of some of his worst real estate deals, the place where the business community lost patience with his antics and unwillingness to pay contractors, and where three times the voters turned out in huge numbers against him. A Washington, D.C., parade celebrating an unappreciated New Yorker who years ago decamped to Florida and Washington is a pale imitation of the Canyon of Heroes, where New Yorkers honor beloved leaders, war heroes, explorers and their favorite sports stars. But it is all Trump has. This article is republished from The Conversation, a nonprofit, independent news organization bringing you facts and trustworthy analysis to help you make sense of our complex world. It was written by: Lincoln Mitchell, Columbia University Read more: NYC's 'Eric Adams Show' heads for a final curtain, with echoes of another New Yorker more focused on style than policy 12 New Yorkers convicted Trump − but he never fully fit in to New York City Saying a final goodbye to Willie Mays, baseball's 'Say hey kid' Lincoln Mitchell does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Yahoo
6 hours ago
- Yahoo
The defense acquisition system is broken — it's time for an overhaul
The United States' industrial might helped save the free world in World War II. William Knudsen, the Detroit auto titan turned wartime production chief, put it simply: 'We won because we smothered the enemy in an avalanche of production.' Could the U.S. meet a similar mobilization challenge today? The answer is likely no without real changes to our acquisition system — and our adversaries know it. That's why the House Armed Services Committee is advancing the SPEED Act — a bold, bipartisan reform effort to overhaul our broken acquisition system. Our acquisition process is too slow, risk-averse and bureaucratic to deliver the capabilities that service members need. It incentivizes compliance over capability, process over speed and certitude over innovation. While China can field new military capabilities in months, the U.S. often takes more than a decade, by which time the threat has changed, the technology is outdated and the program is over budget. We struggle to replenish stockpiles sent to support Ukraine and Israel and U.S. operations in the Red Sea. Moreover, we must ensure we have sufficient supplies of key munitions in the event of a prolonged conflict. The U.S. cannot deter and, if necessary, win a future conflict if we cannot equip our forces at speed and scale. This vulnerability stems from a struggling acquisition system and the hollowing out of the domestic defense industrial base. Since the 1990s, the number of defense prime contractors has shrunk from 51 to just six. Excessive regulations have pushed commercial firms away from working with the Defense Department. Game-changing technologies from startups often languish in the notorious 'Valley of Death,' where Pentagon bureaucracy stymies the ability to translate innovation into full-scale production. These barriers to entry and layers of red tape are national security risks. It is time to break them down. The SPEED Act will empower program executive officers with clear authority and greater budget flexibility. In doing so, it will enable them to be held accountable for fielding capabilities that meet the threat, not just check compliance boxes. It also tackles the bureaucratic chokepoints that slow acquisition to a crawl, notably by accelerating the requirements process from nearly three years to as little as 90 days. It clears a path for commercial innovation by attracting new entrants to the defense industrial base, reducing barriers to the Pentagon's use of commercial technology and bridging the 'Valley of Death.' It promotes a data-as-a-service model to ensure the U.S. military can access the data it needs to maintain its systems without requiring industry to give up the rights to privately funded intellectual property. By cutting through layers of bureaucracy, the bill also modernizes outdated regulations that slow the delivery and needlessly drive up the cost of critical capabilities. Specifically, it raises dollar thresholds to free smaller programs from excessive oversight and eliminates duplicative cost reporting requirements. In short, the SPEED Act streamlines overly burdensome compliance without compromising transparency or accountability — ensuring taxpayer dollars are spent more efficiently and effectively. Finally, it establishes the Industrial Resilience Consortium. This will put industry at the table to help the Pentagon solve critical challenges such as parts obsolescence, supply chain fragility and the urgent need to restore the United States' surge capacity by leveraging advanced manufacturing. We cannot afford to continue on the path of business as usual. It is time to reform how the Pentagon buys weapons so that we can harness the United States' unmatched innovation and dynamic private sector and deliver the capabilities that service members need. Our current acquisition system is standing in the way. The SPEED Act will address this critical challenge before it is too late. Rep. Mike Rogers, R-Ala., serves as the chairman of the House Armed Services Committee. Rep. Adam Smith, D-Wash., serves as the ranking member of the House Armed Services Committee.