
Analysis: Having Trump's ear is the new frontline in the Russia-Ukraine war
Make no mistake, the real battle in the Ukraine war right now isn't in the skies over Kyiv or Dnipro where Russian drone strikes have intensified, dramatically, in recent days.
Nor is the slow, grinding progress being made by the Russian army on the brutal frontlines of eastern Ukraine how the conflict, now in its third year, will be decided.
No, the crucial fight being slugged out between the warring parties and their allies is for the ear of US President Donald Trump, who seems increasingly frustrated with efforts to broker peace.
And that's why his phone call, expected to take place with Russian President Vladimir Putin later today, may be of such pivotal importance.
Moscow and Kyiv are both vying to demonstrate it is the other who is the real obstacle to peace, hoping to swing Trump's changeable opinion, at least for a while, their way.
European officials say they will also be speaking to Trump ahead of his call with Putin, amid concerns that Trump's view on the conflict may be shaped by whom he speaks to last.
Just last month, after speaking to Ukraine's President Volodymyr Zelensky at Pope Francis' funeral, Trump made some of his most critical remarks towards Putin, condemning the Russian leader for launching a missile attack on Kyiv, adding he couldn't say for sure whether the Russian leader was serious about ending the war.
As long as Monday's call lasts, Putin – who has refused to accept a 30-day ceasefire demanded by President Trump and agreed to by Ukraine – will have that presidential ear all to himself. He could pour into it whatever business inducements, flattery or poison Putin calculates will work best.
Trump and Putin already seem to share an unshakeable conviction that it is them alone who have the personal authority and skills to settle the Ukraine war, while the Europeans and the Ukrainians themselves will ultimately do as they are told.
Underwhelming talks in the Turkish city of Istanbul last week – the first directly between Russian and Ukrainian negotiators for years – seem to have underlined President Trump's own sense of centrality to a deal. It has encouraged him to reinsert himself, by calling Putin directly, into peace efforts from which he had only recently threatened to walk away.
The big Ukrainian fear is that the two leaders will cook up their own peace plan over the phone with President Trump – who says he'll call his Ukrainian counterpart Zelensky afterwards – then potentially seek to impose Putin's terms under a renewed threat of withdrawing vital US military and economic aid.
President Trump has leverage on Russia, too, if he chooses to use it. With mounting casualties and a strained economy, the Kremlin undoubtedly wants to avoid pushing an angry and rebuffed Trump towards restoring and possibly redoubling US support for the Ukrainian war effort.
As ever, the problem remains that neither Russia nor Ukraine is currently willing to accept each other's minimum terms, to compromise enough to satisfy the other side.
That doesn't mean talks – whether direct, face-to-face, or on the phone – are pointless. If nothing else, they can highlight how far apart the two sides really are.
But what may mean is that, even under US pressure, even after a direct phone call with President Trump, both Moscow and Kyiv may still choose to fight on.
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Washington Post
an hour ago
- Washington Post
Russia says it's winning. The data says otherwise.
Russia has paid an extraordinary price in blood and equipment for marginal gains in Ukraine. Last week, Ukraine carried out one of its most ambitious operations of the war using more than 100 drones to damage dozens of military aircraft at multiple air bases deep inside Russia. The attack, which was planned over many months and launched from within Russia, showed how Kyiv can use limited tools to achieve significant effects. Russia, by contrast, has spent the past 17 months attempting to grind forward in Ukraine with brute force — and according to new data, it has little to show for its efforts. Map of January 2024 JANUARY 2024 BELARUS RUSSIA Kyiv Kharkiv UKRAINE Russian-occupied territories in Ukraine in January 2024 MOLDOVA Odesa ROMANIA CRIMEA Black Sea Illegally annexed by Russia in 2014 Source: Center for Strategic and International Studies JAN 2024 RUSSIA UKRAINE Kyiv Kharkiv Russian-occupied territories in Ukraine in January 2024 CRIMEA Black Sea Illegally annexed by Russia in 2014 Source: Center for Strategic and International Studies JAN 2024 RUSSIA UKRAINE Kyiv Kharkiv Russian-occupied territories in Ukraine in January 2024 Odesa CRIMEA Black Sea Illegally annexed by Russia in 2014 Source: Center for Strategic and International Studies JANUARY 2024 BELARUS RUSSIA Kyiv Kharkiv UKRAINE Russian-occupied territories in Ukraine in January 2024 MOLDOVA Odesa ROMANIA CRIMEA Black Sea Illegally annexed by Russia in 2014 Source: Center for Strategic and International Studies Map of May 2025 MAY 2025 RUSSIA UKRAINE Kyiv Kharkiv Russia seized 1,800 square miles between January 2024 and May 2025 CRIMEA Black Sea Illegally annexed by Russia in 2014 Source: Center for Strategic and International Studies MAY 2025 RUSSIA UKRAINE Kyiv Kharkiv Russia seized 1,800 square miles between January 2024 and May 2025 Odesa CRIMEA Black Sea Illegally annexed by Russia in 2014 Source: Center for Strategic and International Studies MAY 2025 BELARUS RUSSIA Kyiv Kharkiv UKRAINE Russia seized 1,800 square miles between January 2024 and May 2025 MOLDOVA Odesa ROMANIA CRIMEA Black Sea Illegally annexed by Russia in 2014 Source: Center for Strategic and International Studies MAY 2025 BELARUS RUSSIA Kyiv Kharkiv UKRAINE Russia seized 1,800 square miles between January 2024 and May 2025 MOLDOVA Odesa ROMANIA CRIMEA Black Sea Illegally annexed by Russia in 2014 Source: Center for Strategic and International Studies The map shows Russian-occupied territories in Ukraine in January 2024. Since then, Russian forces have seized less than 1 percent of Ukrainian territory — an area smaller than the state of Delaware. Russian forces have advanced an average of only approximately 50 meters per day in their offensive around Kupyansk. And approximately 135 meters per day in parts of Donetsk Oblast, where Russia has made its largest gains since January 2024. These efforts have yielded fewer than 1,800 square miles of new territory seized since January 2024, an outcome that decisively falls short of Moscow's objective to greatly expand its control of Ukrainian territory. Russian advances in some areas have been slower than Allied forces during the grueling World War I offensive in the Somme, a battle which became a byword for costly and futile military operations. For these marginal gains, Russia has paid an extraordinary price in blood and equipment. Russian fatalities in Ukraine now exceed the total number of Soviet and Russian soldiers killed in every war since World War II combined. By this summer, Russia will likely pass 1 million total military casualties. Graphic shows fatalities of Russian soldiers in past wars Russian and Ukrainian soldiers killed in the current war February '22 - May '25 Russia 200K-250K Ukraine 60K-100K Russian (and Soviet) soldiers killed in wars since World War II Chechnya (1st and 2nd Wars) 12K - 25K Afghanistan 14-16K Ukraine (Crimea and Donbas) 6K-7K Hungary 669 Syria 264 Korea 120 Czechoslovakia 96 Georgia 64 Sino-Soviet Border Conflict 58 Ethiopia 34 Algeria 25 United Arab Republic (Egypt) 21 Vietnam 16 Angola 7 Mozambique 6 Yemen Republic 1 Source: Author's analysis from various sources Russian and Ukrainian soldiers killed in the current war 200K -250K Russia February '22 - May '25 Ukraine 60K-100K February '22 - May '25 Russian (and Soviet) soldiers killed in wars since World War II Chechnya (1st and 2nd Wars) 12K - 25K Afghanistan 14-16K Ukraine (Crimea and Donbas) 6K-7K Hungary 669 Syria 264 Korea 120 Czechoslovakia 96 Georgia 64 Sino-Soviet Border Conflict 58 Ethiopia 34 Algeria 25 United Arab Republic (Egypt) 21 Vietnam 16 Angola 7 Mozambique 6 Yemen Republic 1 Source: Author's analysis from various sources Russian and Ukrainian soldiers killed in the current war 200K -250K Russia February 24, 2022–May 1, 2025 Ukraine 60K-100K February 24, 2022–May 1, 2025 Russian (and Soviet) soldiers killed in wars since World War II Chechnya (First and Second Wars) 12K - 25K 1994–1996, 1999–2009 Afghanistan 14-16K 1979–1989 Ukraine (Crimea and Donbas) 6K-7K 2014–February 23, 2022 Hungary 669 1956 Syria 264 2015–Present Korea 120 1950–1953 Czechoslovakia 96 1968 Georgia 64 2008 Sino-Soviet Border Conflict 58 1969 Ethiopia 34 1977–1990 Algeria 25 1962-1964 United Arab Republic (Egypt) 21 1962-1963, 1969-1972, 1973-1974 Vietnam 16 1965-1974 Angola 7 1975–1979 Mozambique 6 1967, 1969, 1975–1979 Yemen Republic 1 1962-1963 Source : Author's analysis from various sources Russia has also consistently lost 2 to 5 times more fighting vehicles than Ukraine on the battlefield, including roughly 1,200 armored fighting vehicles, 3,200 infantry fighting vehicles and 1,900 tanks since January 2024. Story continues below advertisement Advertisement This brutal reality challenges the narrative that Russia is dictating the terms of the conflict. Yes, Russian forces have been on the offensive since early 2024 (with a limited number of exceptions). But initiative alone is not victory. What matters is not just what Russia has gained, but also what it has lost in exchange. Russian troops continue to face an extensively fortified front line consisting of minefields, trenches, anti-armor obstacles and artillery positions that shred assaults. Ukraine has also saturated the battlefield with drones, which now account for the majority of battlefield deaths. Ukraine's defense-in-depth strategy, bolstered by U.S. and European support, has transformed the battlefield into a war of attrition that favors defenders and punishes attackers. Although the Kremlin appears willing to absorb this punishment in a bid to outlast Kyiv, it does not seem to be able to do more than slowly attempt to grind forward. Indeed, the Kremlin's path to victory is not through battlefield brilliance. It is through Western abandonment. Without U.S. support, Ukraine could quickly run short of critical munitions, fighting vehicles, air defenses and precision strike capabilities, giving Russian forces an advantage on the battlefield. The psychological blow of U.S. withdrawal could also shatter Ukrainian morale, accelerating collapse not through conquest, but through exhaustion, as happened to Austria-Hungary and the Russian Empire in World War I. Story continues below advertisement Advertisement Putin is betting that political fatigue in Washington will deliver him what his military cannot. That bet extends to the negotiating table. Despite Russia's limited gains and mounting losses, Moscow has shown little interest in serious diplomacy, insisting on maximalist terms while launching new attacks. But beneath the bluster lies a far weaker hand than many in the West assume. A child walks past a destroyed Russian tank at Saint Michael's Square in Kyiv on May 14. (Roman Pilipey/AFP/Getty Images) The United States has leverage. But it needs to wield it. U.S. policymakers should evaluate options to extend and accelerate military assistance to Ukraine, particularly air defense systems to protect Ukrainian troops and civilians alike, long-range precision strike systems to target Russian airfields and command hubs, and munitions to repel Russian assaults across an extended front. The United States should also raise the economic costs of continued war on Moscow. Congress is currently considering bipartisan legislation to impose new sanctions on Russia and secondary sanctions on countries enabling Russia's wartime economy. One analysis suggests that secondary sanctions could cut Russian oil revenue by 20 percent while raising U.S. gas prices by just 15 cents a gallon. Russia is not on the march. It is bleeding personnel and equipment for mere meters of ground. And it will only translate into victory if Washington lets it. Graphics by Youyou Zhou, a graphics reporter at the Opinions desk of The Washington Post.
Yahoo
2 hours ago
- Yahoo
Zelenskyy considers Serbian president's visit important, as he witnessed war firsthand
Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy believes that the first visit of his Serbian counterpart, Aleksandar Vučić to Ukraine is important because he has seen the war firsthand. Source: Zelenskyy on X (Twitter), as reported by European Pravda Details: On the evening of Wednesday 11 June, Zelenskyy spoke about his conversation with Vučić, who visited Odesa and attended the Ukraine-Southeast Europe Summit. "This is the [Serbian] President's first visit to Ukraine, and it is truly important to be here in Ukraine and witness the war firsthand," the Ukrainian leader said. Zelenskyy and Vučić discussed mutual support on the path to the European Union, bilateral cooperation and Ukraine's recovery. Quote from Zelenskyy: "I thank [Vučić] for the initiative to help with the recovery efforts and to assume patronage over the reconstruction of several Ukrainian settlements. This is a truly effective form of cooperation, and we look forward to positive results." Background: Notably, the participants of the Ukraine-Southeast Europe Summit have signed a declaration in which they condemn Russia's war against Ukraine "in the strongest possible terms" and call on the international community "to maintain and further strengthen sanctions against the Russian Federation". Meanwhile, Vučić was the only participant in the event who did not sign it. Commenting on this, Vučić said that in this way he "did not betray Russia". Support Ukrainska Pravda on Patreon!
Yahoo
2 hours ago
- Yahoo
Presidents of Ukraine, Romania and Moldova hold first meeting in trilateral format
Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy, Moldovan President Maia Sandu and Romanian President Nicușor Dan have held their first trilateral meeting. Source: press service for the Office of the President of Ukraine, as reported by European Pravda Details: Zelenskyy, Dan and Sandu held a separate meeting on the sidelines of the Ukraine-Southeast Europe Summit, which took place on 11 June in Odesa. The main topics of discussion were regional security, countering hybrid threats and cyber security, energy security, cross-border cooperation, logistics connectivity, military and technical cooperation and European integration. Reports say there was considerable discussion about supporting Moldova, whose situation is seen as key to regional stability. The strengthening of sanctions against Russia and coordinated efforts to compel the Kremlin to agree to a just peace were also discussed. Quote from the press service: "The parties also addressed support for the shared European Union membership aspirations of Ukraine and Moldova. Volodymyr Zelenskyy noted that Ukraine and Moldova are moving forward together on this path, and no one should be allowed to divide the countries in the negotiation process." More details: In addition, they discussed infrastructure projects, including the construction of a motorway connecting Ukraine, Moldova and Romania, as well as the development of the region's railway infrastructure. Ukraine proposed appointing coordinators at the level of foreign ministers for permanent interactions in this format. Dan's arrival at the summit in Odesa is one of his first foreign visits, following his inaugural trip to Chișinău. Romania is known as one of the strongest supporters of Moldova's accession to the European Union. Background: Moldova may overtake Ukraine in the process of joining the EU and start negotiations separately due to Hungary's blocking of such steps for Ukraine. However, the EU still hopes to convince Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán in the coming weeks while preparing a plan B. Support Ukrainska Pravda on Patreon!