logo
Tarrant County judge on redistricting: 'The mission is to get three Republican commissioners'

Tarrant County judge on redistricting: 'The mission is to get three Republican commissioners'

Yahooa day ago

The Brief
Tarrant County's redistricting plan is facing criticism for allegedly diluting the votes of non-White residents.
County Judge Tim O'Hare openly states his goal is to guarantee three Republican commissioners on the court, increasing conservative leadership.
Seven maps are currently under consideration before a vote on Tuesday, amid concerns about transparency and the use of outdated 2020 census data.
TARRANT COUNTY, Texas - A plan to redistrict Tarrant County has recently come under fire after critics say it may be biased against non-White voters.
County Judge Tim O'Hare isn't trying to hide his motive for redistricting: To further increase conservative leadership in Tarrant County by decreasing the number of Democrats in the commissioners court.
O'Hare, the Republican county judge, presides over a panel that currently has two Republican and two Democrat commissioners.
In his first one-on-one interview with FOX 4 since taking office, O'Hare welcomed us into his Southlake county courthouse office.
What they're saying
"On Tuesday I hope we pass a map that guarantees, or comes as close as you can to guarantee, three Republican commissioners," O'Hare said. "That was my plan and what I campaigned on openly and publicly, dating as far back as May 2021."
He responded to critics who are opposed to his effort to redraw Tarrant's district lines, with allegations that his plan lacks transparency and sufficient public input, along with claims that it is racially discriminating and violates the federal voting rights act.
"It's purely partisan. I'm not going to try to hide from that or act like it isn't. That's exactly what it is," O'Hare said. "We've had four different meetings in each precinct, we put maps online for anyone to look at and see and go over them. We've given people the opportunity to submit their own maps and weigh in with comments through the website, through emails, through the public forum, through commissioners court meetings… So, I don't know how anyone with a straight face can say this is not transparent."
When asked if he believes the redistricting plan constitutes racial gerrymandering, O'Hare made his end goal clear.
"At the end of the day, I'm doing it to put another Republican on the commissioners court, period, the end," the judge said.
"I don't look at it in terms of race, I look at it in terms of policy. I look at it in terms of results," O'Hare went on. "The mission is to get three Republican commissioners on the commissioners court."
O'Hare compared his redistricting effort to a reversal of what's happened over the years in several now majority-liberal counties.
"I didn't see these people come out and complain about what Dallas, Harris, Bexar or Travis County was doing, but they're complaining about what we're doing because they don't want to lose seats, but we know if they were in charge because they did it in those counties, that's their blueprint, we know if they were in charge here they do the same thing," the judge said.
There is also speculation that O'Hare's focus is aimed specifically at unseating District 2 Commissioner Alisa Simmons. The two have often sparred during meetings on a variety of topics. That said, the judge denies wanting to unseat the commissioner.
"I campaigned on this issue dating as far back as 2021," O'Hare said. " At the time I did that, I had never heard her name, didn't know who she was, had picked her out of a lineup of one, so the answer to that is just simply 'no.'"
Another concern from critics is whether the 2020 census data used to create the maps is too old.
But the mayors who support the plan point out that Tarrant redistricting has been delayed even longer – nearly 15 years.
O'Hare says there are now seven maps up for consideration before Tuesday's vote.
"I believe Tarrant County would be better served if we have strong Republican leadership," said O'Hare. "Tarrant County voters have elected Republicans to every single countywide office dating back 30 years, but we have two to two when it comes to Republicans and Democrats on commissioners court. I think it should more accurately reflect our voting population, so I want to see it go three to one."
The backstory
SMU mathematics professor and researcher Dr. Andrea Barreiro has dissected and analyzed the newly proposed maps for Tarrant County districts, the work of a county-hired consulting firm and the public legal interest foundation.
In an interview on Thursday, she said the goal of the redistricting appears to be to diminish the voting power of non-White county residents.
Cities including Fort Worth, Arlington, Mansfield and Grand Prairie have signed a letter expressing their opposition to the proposed map.
The group called the effort ill-timed because it's the middle of the decade and, in their opinion, the census data from 2020 is outdated.
In early April, the commission voted three to two, with commissioners Alisa Simmons and Roderick Miles opposing, to approve a contract with the Public Interest Legal Foundation to provide consultation with re-drawing district lines.
What's next
Opponents of the plan have vowed to wage a legal battle if it's adopted. O'Hare said he believed that would go in his favor.
The Source
Information in this article came from Tarrant County Judge Tim O'Hare and previous FOX 4 reporting.

Orange background

Try Our AI Features

Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:

Comments

No comments yet...

Related Articles

Johnny Depp
Johnny Depp

Fox News

time14 minutes ago

  • Fox News

Johnny Depp

Johnny Depp has been acting for almost 40 years and has portrayed many characters on the screen, but among the long list of films he has been in, most know him as Jack Sparrow from the "Pirates of the Caribbean" franchise. Depp was born in Owensboro, Kentucky on June 9, 1963, to parents John and Betty Sue. He moved to Florida and spent a lot of his childhood there. Before starring in movies, primarily as the dark and chilling character, young Depp was in a band called "the Kids." His music career extended later in his career as well, as he was in another band called the "Hollywood Vampires." Depp's past relationships were complicated to say the least, but his first known relationship was with Lori Anne Allison, a makeup artist. The couple moved to Los Angeles, where he got connected with Nicholas Cage, and his decades-long acting career began. His movie debut was in "A Nightmare on Elm Street" in 1984. Although he has been in a lot of popular movies like "Sleepy Hollow," "Alice in Wonderland," and "Sweeney Todd," he is most known for the character that he played for over 10 years, Captain Jack Sparrow. Johnny Depp played Jack Sparrow in five "Pirates of the Caribbean" movies from 2003 to 2017. His "Pirates" costars include Orlando Bloom and Keira Knightley. Depp has a net worth of $100 million (per Celebrity Net Worth), a long list of movies behind him and a long list of celebrity girlfriends, wives and proposals. After his divorce from Lori Anne Allison, he had relationships with many big Hollywood names, including Sherilyn Fenn, Jennifer Gray, Winona Ryder, Ellen Barkin and Kate Moss. After Moss, he had a 14-year relationship with with Vanessa Paradis. The former couple share two children together, a daughter, Lily-Rose Depp, and a son Jack Depp. In 2015, Depp and Amber Heard got married, but divorced in 2016. Heard wrote an op-ed for The Washington Post, implying that she was abused by Depp in 2018, and the two have been suing back and fourth since. The two took part in a very public defamation lawsuit in March and April 2022.

How Trump's Tariffs and Immigration Policies Could Make Housing Even More Expensive
How Trump's Tariffs and Immigration Policies Could Make Housing Even More Expensive

Yahoo

time14 minutes ago

  • Yahoo

How Trump's Tariffs and Immigration Policies Could Make Housing Even More Expensive

President Donald Trump owes his second electoral victory, in no small part, to voter frustration over the rising cost of living. Over the course of Joe Biden's presidency, the price of a typical American house increased by nearly 40 percent, and rents followed a similar trajectory. As of 2024, approximately 771,480 Americans lack reliable shelter—at once a new high and a new low. All of these issues are most acute in states governed by Biden's fellow Democrats. In California, the median home price is now more than 10 times the median household income. Economists generally view three to five as a healthy ratio. Polling data suggest that many key voting blocs in the 2024 presidential election were primarily motivated by the rising cost of living and by out-of-control housing costs in particular. For all the network news preoccupation with transgender athletes and campus protests, it was mortgages and rents—the single largest line items in a typical household's budget—that moved voters to toss out incumbents. On April 2, after months of empty threats and false starts, the administration finally launched its global trade war, including a 25 percent tariff on various goods from Canada and Mexico. But Canadian softwood lumber and Mexican gypsum used for drywall—the (literal) pillars of a typical American single-family home—would be exempt. The National Association of Home Builders (NAHB) was quick to celebrate it as a win: Canada accounts for 85 percent of all U.S. lumber imports. If the tariffs had taken effect as planned, the per-unit cost of a home might have increased by as much as $29,000. In a sector characterized by thin margins, that would have meant a lot of idle construction sites. And yet the partial rollback will offer only a temporary reprieve. Tariffs already in effect will increase the cost of a new home by $10,900 on average, according to an April 2025 estimate by the NAHB—an increase of $1,700 over its March estimate. This is on top of a 41.6 percent increase in building materials since 2020, brought on by pandemic-related supply chain disruptions. Those cost increases could hit renters hardest. After a decade of underbuilding in the wake of the 2008 financial crisis, America is short roughly 5 million homes—most of them apartments. Perhaps the most robust finding in urban economics is that when vacancy rates increase, rents fall. But driving up vacancy rates requires cities to build more housing. Thanks to the YIMBY ("yes in my backyard") movement, a handful of cities—including Austin and Minneapolis—have recently had building booms that have brought prices back down. But those cities have been the exception. Meanwhile, a new wave of tariffs is about to make it a lot more expensive to build. On February 11, the administration imposed a 25 percent tariff on steel and aluminum—much of it imported from allies such as Brazil and Germany. On February 25, the administration announced an investigation into copper imports, presumably with future tariffs in the works. Depending on their country of origin, other key inputs like iron and cement are also now subject to steep tariffs. Even if you can get new housing built, the appliances needed to make all these new homes livable could soon cost hundreds of dollars more. Not only are microwaves, refrigerators, and air conditioners now more expensive to import, but tariffs on key inputs mean they are also more expensive to produce domestically. Uncertainty around tariffs has put many construction projects on pause, sending homebuilder stocks plummeting. Many small, local developers are exiting the market altogether. Following in the mold of autarkic Cuba—where international trade is strictly limited and medical doctors drive taxis for a living—your next Uber driver could very well be an out-of-work former developer. Never mind that the typical American city desperately needs them to build. If tariffs weren't bad enough, the administration's program of mass deportations could kick the housing crisis into overdrive. As things stand, the construction industry is already short 250,000 workers. This is partly a legacy of Trump's first term, in which an immigration clampdown suppressed what might have been an overdue housing construction boom. Even today, approximately 30 percent of construction workers are immigrants, many of them undocumented. In California, which is already a basket case on housing affordability, immigrants make up 41 percent of all construction labor. In Texas—one of the few bright spots for housing affordability in recent years, thanks to an ongoing construction boom—nearly 60 percent of all immigrant construction workers are undocumented. If 2024 was any indication, expecting voters to put up with all this in 2026 is a risky gamble. On some level, the Trump administration must appreciate that this is an existential threat. And yet its current proposals are out of sync with the scale of the housing crisis: Releasing more federally owned lands for housing development remains the only proposal the administration has seriously offered up to address the housing shortage. It's a fine enough idea if properly designed. But it would, at best, provide only modest relief to a handful of Western cities. Worse yet, the administration seems to have regressed to the implicitly regulatory "protect the suburbs" rhetoric that so failed Trump in the 2020 election. In February, Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD) chief Scott Turner announced that he would be scrapping the Affirmatively Furthering Fair Housing (AFFH) rule in order to "cut red tape" and "advance market-driven development." Except the rule was essentially just a reporting exercise that required local governments to disclose—and ideally remove—local red tape standing in the way of housing. In 2018, then–HUD Secretary Ben Carson embraced the AFFH rule as a way of nudging cities to remove regulatory barriers to housing production, as part of his brief flirtation with YIMBYism. In a move that would make Orwell blush, Carson joined Trump in a Wall Street Journal op-ed two years later announcing that they would "protect America's suburbs" and scrap the rule if reelected. Trump lost that election. It's all a very strange state of affairs—a developer in chief with evidently little interest in getting America building again. It didn't need to be this way. Over the course of the first Trump administration, housing production recovered at a steady clip, with a muted increase in housing costs as a result. The administration's deregulating zeal could have been focused on unnecessary federal mandates that increase costs. Instead, the United States is poised to experience a run-up in housing prices through 2028 that could make the pandemic-era increases like a minor blip. So what could the federal government do? From a constitutional perspective, not much. The bulk of the blame for America's housing crisis lies with local governments that maintain onerous zoning regulations and unpredictable permitting processes—and the state governments that control them. The federal government has little role to play in zoning, even if it once did a lot of the heavy lifting to promote it. But that isn't to imply there is nothing the federal government could do. In recent years, the idea of tying federal dollars to local deregulation has gained acceptance within the Beltway. Bills with unsubtle names like the "Build More Housing Near Transit Act" or the "Yes In My Backyard Act" would variously condition money for transit or other public facilities on local jurisdictions cutting back on red tape. At the same time, the federal government could turn up the tax pressure. If homeowners in cities with high costs and low production were suddenly ineligible for benefits like the mortgage interest deduction or the state and local tax credit, it would transform the local politics of housing. Homeowners who might otherwise be fully bought into government constraints on housing production could flip their script. More likely, however, the onus will fall on state and local legislators to pull out all the stops on housing production. State and local elected officials can't control tariffs or immigration policy. But they can control "make or break" factors such as zoning regulations, permitting timelines, and impact fees. According to a recent RAND study, variations in these policies explain why it's nearly twice as expensive to build housing in California as in Texas. At least some state legislators are rising to the occasion. In recent months, states as diverse as Republican-supermajority Montana and Democratic-supermajority Washington have moved forward legislation restricting the right of local governments to block housing. Even California is starting to see the light. All these bills will help to get more housing built, no matter what's happening at the federal level. The Trump administration had better hope those state-level efforts are successful—and scrap the trade and immigration policies that could plunge America into another housing crisis. The post How Trump's Tariffs and Immigration Policies Could Make Housing Even More Expensive appeared first on

Amber Heard
Amber Heard

Fox News

time14 minutes ago

  • Fox News

Amber Heard

Amber Heard has acted in many television shows and movies including 'Aquaman,' and 'Criminal Minds.' Heard also had a lot of press around her very public relationship with now ex-husband, Johnny Depp. She was born on April 22, 1986, in Austin, Texas to parents Paige and David Heard. Heard, whose net worth is now $-6 million, according to Celebrity Net Worth losing the defamation trial to Depp, got her film debut in the movie, 'Friday Night Lights' in 2004. After that movie, she went on to work in many other films like 'North Country,' 'All the Boys Love Mandy Lane,' 'Pineapple Express' and 'Zombieland.' She also had various television appearances in shows like 'The O.C,' 'Criminal Minds,' 'Californication' and 'Hidden Palms.' Some other films Heard was in during the earlier stages of her career were 'The Stepfather,' 'The Ward,' 'Drive Angry,' 'Syrup,' and '3 Days to Kill.' In 2011, Heard played Chenault in 'The Rum Diary.' She and Depp met during the filming of the movie. They were both in relationships at the time, but eventually started dating in 2012. The pair got married in 2015, but got divorced two years later. They have been in a huge legal battle since Heard wrote an op-ed for The Washington Post, implying that she was abused by Depp. After a six week trial in Fairfax, Virginia that millions tuned in to watch, the jury found that Heard had defamed Depp and awarded the actor $10 million in compensatory damages and $5 million in punitive, which were reduced to $350,000 due to Virginia's law. Heard was awarded $2 million in compensatory damages due to the statements made by Depp's attorney Adam Waldman. Heard owes $10.35 million to Depp, an amount that her lawyers have said she cannot afford to pay. Heard and her team have tried to appeal, but have been unsuccessful in their endeavors. One big role that the actress is known for is playing Mera, in 'Aquaman' with Jason Mamoa. She also plays the character in the 2017 'Justice League' and in 'Zack Snyder's Justice League.' She is in the 'Aquaman' sequel, 'Aquaman and the Lost Kingdom' that is set to come out in 2023, even though her appearance in the "Aquaman" sequel has became controversial after the legal situation with her and Depp. Even though Depp was Heard's most public relationship, she has also been connected with painter and photographer Tasya van Ree in 2008, model Cara Delevingne, Tesla founder and billionaire Elon musk on and off from 2016-2018 and art dealer Vito Schnabel. She does however have a a daughter Oonagh Paige Heard, who was born via surrogate April 8, 2021.

DOWNLOAD THE APP

Get Started Now: Download the App

Ready to dive into the world of global news and events? Download our app today from your preferred app store and start exploring.
app-storeplay-store