Brazil Supreme Court orders house arrest of former president Jair Bolsonaro
Justice Alexandre de Moraes said in his decision that the right-wing firebrand did not comply with judicial restraining orders imposed on him last month.
Moraes also banned Bolsonaro from receiving visits, with exceptions for lawyers and people authorized by the court, and use of a cell phone either directly or through third parties.
The restrictions on Bolsonaro were imposed over allegations that he courted the interference of Trump, who recently tied steep new tariffs on Brazilian goods to what he called a "witch hunt" against Bolsonaro.
The former Brazilian leader is facing charges that he conspired with dozens of his allies to overturn his 2022 electoral loss.
Bolsonaro's press representative confirmed the house arrest order and restrictions on using a cell phone.
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Hindustan Times
9 minutes ago
- Hindustan Times
For Pakistan & US, it is back to doing business
There is a discernible sense of satisfaction within Pakistan's strategic fraternity at the undeniable uptick in the US-Pakistan interface over the past few months. Some may dispute the extent, but given how the relationship had eroded in the past decade-and-a-half, any improvement represents a big change. Given the transactional nature that dominates the US, there is the temptation to find direct factors for the upswing in US-Pakistan relations. (AP) The principal milestones of the US-Pakistan downturn are well known. For Pakistan, the US detection and killing of Osama bin Laden in 2011 in Abbottabad was a betrayal and a public humiliation. For many Pakistanis, that the US acted clandestinely deep inside Pakistan superseded the enormity of the fact that Osama had been living there all the time under the very noses of the Pakistan military. The free fall continued with mounting US frustrations over Pakistan's double game in Afghanistan. President Trump's 2018 New Year Day tweet exemplified this view. The tweet underlined US foolishness in giving Pakistan billions of dollars in aid in return for deceit and lies! This was consistent with emergent US narratives about Pakistan, but that it was from the President himself made it doubly significant. Through the Biden tenure matters crystallised at a low plateau of bad blood and mutual recriminations. The US's final withdrawal from Afghanistan in August 2021 in disorder and disarray added another layer to the deep strategic mistrust and suspicion that now characterised the relationship. President Biden did not have even a telecon with Imran Khan during the time he was PM and Imran Khan in turn blamed the US for his premature ouster from power. In the meantime, most US military and security assistance was suspended. What perhaps hurt Pakistan the most was the impact this had on training programmes for Pakistan military officers in the US. All this happened also when the India-US relationship seemed effortlessly to go from strength to strength. This further highlighted the distance between Washington and Islamabad. The past few months appear quite different. The change was animated quite dramatically by Field Marshal Asim Munir being hosted by President Trump in June 2025 in the immediate aftermath of Operation Sindoor. It is most unusual — perhaps even unprecedented — for a US president to host a chief of a foreign military who is not a head of State or government. This shift also coincides with new ambiguities in the US-India interface — perhaps triggered by President Trump's constant reiteration of having prevented further escalation in the India-Pakistan conflict during Operation Sindoor. To many in Pakistan, this has 'internationalised' Kashmir and highlighted the importance of third-party intervention as equally that even the US was skeptical about India's claims and demands. There had been earlier indicators of change beginning with President Trump's acknowledgement of Pakistan's counter-terrorism assistance in his State of the Union Address in March 2025. The allocation of a significant financial package as assistance to Pakistan for maintaining its F16 aircraft despite an otherwise stringent foreign aid cutback, was another. Alongside, more even-handed references to the India-Pakistan dynamic, meetings and telephone conversations between the US secretary of State and senior Pakistan leaders further underlined this shift. The announcement of a US-Pakistan Trade Agreement, albeit with a 19% tariff on imports from Pakistan, and Trump's enthusiastic references to hydrocarbon exploration and investment, are but the latest in this trend. The trade agreement may not be the best deal Pakistan could have got, but it is not as bad as could have been, and in any case some deal was better than no deal as far as the government of Pakistan was concerned. It may well be argued that there is nothing particularly significant in these transitions, but for most Pakistanis they suggest a return of their country to the US's radar after a long period of being out in the cold. What explains this shift? Given the transactional frame of mind that dominates the US, there is always the temptation to look for a direct and material factor. Numerous reasons are, therefore, assigned for this shift in US policy. Pakistan's counter-terrorism potential and the assistance it can offer is one. That the US is keen to have some relationship with Pakistan given the growing spread of China in the region is another. There is also the view that recommendations of the US Central Command on Pakistan's military potential vis-à-vis Iran in terms of its geographical location and the value of its air bases may have registered on the Presidency amid the current situation in West and South West Asia. Some argue that this shift in policy was also pushed along by crypto currency deals, and by US interest in potential Pakistani reserves of rare earth minerals. Each of these explanations may have some merit but perhaps the weight of any or all of these should not be exaggerated. Instead, it is useful to refocus on some basics. Pakistan is the fifth largest country in the world in terms of population with some 250 million people. It is riven by instability. It has nuclear weapons. It is situated in a sensitive geo-political location, almost in a global fault line. Given these attributes it was always only a matter of time that the long downturn in US Pakistan relations would reverse and US interest in Pakistan would reignite. We are at that stage now. All major powers decide on policies based on an appreciation of their own interests and their own understandings of evolving situations. To think that the long downturn in US Pakistan relations would have simply continued or that the US would see developments from our perspective alone is, and never was, a realistic assessment. We should take this shift in our stride. If some in India feel betrayed or dismayed at this turn of events, they have only themselves to blame. TCA Raghavan is a former Indian high commissioner to Pakistan. The views expressed are personal.
Hindustan Times
9 minutes ago
- Hindustan Times
India-US ties in the crosswires
India's blunt response to US President Donald Trump's repeated outbursts on New Delhi's trade and defence relations with Moscow highlighted the double standards of Western powers that have criticised India for purchasing discounted Russian commodities over the past three years. Trump, who follows a completely transactional and unpredictable approach to global trade and key geo-strategic relationships, has spoken more than once in recent days about levying an unspecified penalty on India for its purchases of energy and military hardware from Russia, over and above the 25% tariff that he has already imposed on exports to the US. India-US ties have evolved from the Cold War days, to achieve a relatively balanced relationship based on mutual respect, democratic values, and strategic interests. (AP) The external affairs ministry's response to Trump's latest fusillade against India has two key takeaways: One, New Delhi reserves the right to choose its trade partners and will exercise strategic autonomy to meet its security needs; and two, the West must end its hypocrisy of offering one set of principles for the rest of the world and following another set to meet its own energy imperatives. A year ago, US officials, albeit under a different administration, had assured the Indian side that Russian crude refined in a third country, such as India, is not a 'product of Russia' from a sanctions perspective. For India, Russian energy is a necessity to ensure predictable and affordable costs for Indian consumers amid volatile market conditions. At the same time, members of the EU and the US have retained their energy and other trade ties with Russia under carve-outs from sanctions packages. The EU's latest sanctions, for example, provide exemptions for Canada, Norway, Switzerland, the UK and the US from an import ban on refined products made from Russian oil. Such double standards do not sit well with Trump's sharp remarks about India. Sure, Trump's posturing may be aimed at pressuring India to conclude a trade deal that is to the advantage of the US, but this is no way to treat an important partner. While Washington has taken the moral high ground on Ukraine (one reason Trump has cited for targeting India), it appears unconcerned about Israel's war in Gaza that has claimed more than 60,000 Palestinian lives. Washington will be mistaken to take India for granted at a time when Trump is dining with the Pakistan army chief in the aftermath of the Pahalgam terror attack. Such moves may even push New Delhi closer to Moscow, a longstanding and reliable ally. India-US ties have evolved from the Cold War days, when New Delhi was allied to Moscow and Washington patronised Islamabad, to achieve a relatively balanced relationship based on mutual respect, democratic values, and strategic interests. Trump's short-sighted and transactional approach to diplomacy threatens to disrupt that journey.
Economic Times
11 minutes ago
- Economic Times
Bangladesh to hold elections in February 2026: Muhammad Yunus
Synopsis Bangladesh will hold elections in February 2026 for the first time since a mass uprising overthrew the government last year, interim leader Muhammad Yunus said Tuesday. "On behalf of the interim government, I will write a letter to the Chief Election Commissioner requesting that the election be arranged before Ramadan in February 2026," Yunus said in a broadcast on the one-year anniversary of the overthrow of prime minister Sheikh Hasina. sa-pjm/lb AP Bangladesh will hold elections in February 2026 for the first time since a mass uprising overthrew the government last year, interim leader Muhammad Yunus said Tuesday."On behalf of the interim government, I will write a letter to the Chief Election Commissioner requesting that the election be arranged before Ramadan in February 2026," Yunus said in a broadcast on the one-year anniversary of the overthrow of prime minister Sheikh Hasina.
