Former Nigerian president dies in London
The 82-year old died at a clinic in London on Sunday afternoon, his spokesman, Garba Shehu, said in a post on X.
Nigerian President Bola Ahmed Tinubu said he received news of his predecessor's death with 'profound sorrow and a heavy heart,' and extended condolences to Buhari's widow and family.
'Buhari was, to the very core, a patriot, a soldier, a statesman,' Tinubu said in a statement, praising the late president's 'unwavering dedication' and 'deep commitment to the unity and progress' of Nigeria.
'He stood firm through the most turbulent times... He championed discipline in public service, confronted corruption head-on, and placed the country above personal interest at every turn,' Tinubu said.
In a separate statement, the Nigerian head of state said Vice President Kashim Shettima has been directed to travel to the United Kingdom to accompany Buhari's body back to the West African country for a state burial.
Buhari first seized power in a military coup on December 31, 1983, overthrowing then-President Shehu Shagari. He launched a campaign to restore discipline and tackle corruption, but his 20-month rule drew widespread criticism for alleged human rights abuses. A failed attempt by agents linked to his regime to abduct exiled minister Umaru Dikko in London strained diplomatic relations with the UK.
In 1985, Buhari was removed from office in a coup, and later rebranded himself as a 'reformed democrat.' He lost three presidential elections before defeating incumbent Goodluck Jonathan in 2015 — the first time an opposition candidate unseated a sitting president in Nigeria's history.
While his early anti-corruption drive earned praise, Buhari's administration was soon plagued by escalating insecurity and deepening economic hardship. His handling of the 2020 #EndSARS protests against police brutality drew international condemnation, after security forces were accused of opening fire on peaceful demonstrators at the Lekki Toll Gate in Lagos.
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Millions of Congolese lost their lives due to violence, starvation, and disease; the population plummeted from 20 million to just 8 million. Under the so-called 'red rubber system,' villagers were forced to meet rubber collection quotas, typically set at four kilograms per man every two weeks. The least severe punishment for not meeting these demands was being whipped with a chicotte, a whip made from hippopotamus hide. Colonial officials employed local African administrators known as capitas to oversee rubber collection. By 1899, the average mortality rate among the locals ranged from three to ten deaths per day. Any sign of disobedience was violently punished by the Force Publique, Leopold's private army made up of Africans under European command. The army burned villages and killed locals. Violence became a means of control over those who resisted the regime. The Zappo Zaps were a group of warriors assigned to monitor rubber collection in the Kuba Kingdom (present-day DRC) in 1899. 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Meanwhile, authorities in Congo dismissed these exposés, citing a 'lack of evidence and witnesses.' In 1904, the Belgian ambassador to the US, Baron Moncheur, stated that 'calumnies against the Congo have received wide circulation, but in the end truth will prevail.' And prevail it did – but not in favor of the absolute monarch: in 1908, Belgium annexed the Congo, effectively ending Leopold's direct rule. Despite formal changes, the exploitation of local populations and natural resources persisted in the Belgian Congo. Up until 1960, harsh labor practices continued under the guise of industrialization, prompting a surge in anti-colonial movements. Kihenyegho Manasse Sage told RT that the history curriculum in DRC schools still presents the period of Belgian colonization in a limited and oversimplified manner: 'History textbooks in the Congo continue to follow a post-colonial approach, where Belgium's colonization is recounted chronologically, focusing on King Leopold II's actions, the system of forced labor, and economic exploitation, alongside the 'missionary' role of the Belgian state. These courses often lack a deep analysis of structural violence, genocide, colonial racism, and the resistance of the Congolese people, and risk 'normalizing' our colonial past. Students learn about figures like Patrice Lumumba and the struggle for independence, but without the necessary context that explains the long-term effects of colonialism on today's economy and politics.' Yves Maombi, PhD student at the University of Massachusetts and writer, told RT that local educational institutions still rely heavily on the works of colonial officials. 'Many school textbooks are based on the works of Belgian missionaries, such as Leon de Saint Moulin. Being part of the colonial system, the authors were unable to openly criticize Belgium's actions, leading to narratives that often justify colonial practices. Consequently, students receive a limited understanding of the scale of violence and systematic exploitation that occurred during Belgian rule.' The export of natural resources is the primary factor that draws interest to the Congo to this day. External powers care little about the country's development or its integration into the global economy, opting instead for a less humane approach. Kihenyegho Manasse Sage pointed out that the colonial logic of exploitation still prevails in the DRC – external actors continue to profit from the country's resources while failing to ensure its sustainable and equitable development. 'Today, although the forms of exploitation are officially legal and regulated, neo-colonial mechanisms persist: major mining projects are controlled by multinational corporations—such as Glencore, China Molybdenum, Ivanhoe Mines—that reap the lion's share of profits, while local communities suffer from environmental damage, poverty, and a lack of social infrastructure. Just like under Belgian rule, modern transportation infrastructure is primarily focused on export; roads and railways connect mines to ports rather than linking the country's interior regions,' Sage noted. Ivory was one of the first major export commodities from the Congo Free State, and was highly sought after in Europe for crafting luxury decorative items. This demand fueled brutal collection campaigns that resulted in mass depopulation and environmental devastation. The rubber boom in the fin de siècle era was followed by large-scale mining operations that began after 1908. Today, the eastern region of the Democratic Republic of the Congo is known for significant deposits of cobalt, copper, coltan (tantalum-niobium), and other minerals. As of 2023, these resources accounted for about 60% of the global production of cobalt, 40% of tantalum production, and 10% of copper production. Cobalt and tantalum are essential components in manufacturing electronic devices and are used in the aerospace, automotive, nuclear, and electrical industries. According to Kambale Volonte Molo, the secretary-general of the Congolese Community in St. Petersburg, the foundations of the modern DRC's economy were laid during the colonial era. 'The impact of the colonial past is most evident in the extractive economic model, which focuses on exporting raw materials like copper, cobalt, gold, and diamonds with minimal processing within the country. This structure was established under Belgian rule, when the Congolese economy served the interests of the metropolis,' he said. The transformation of the Congo's trade routes from thriving commercial networks into channels of exploiting people and resources demonstrates the devastating impact of colonialism. The legacy of this exploitation is still felt today in the ongoing conflict in eastern DRC, where control over valuable minerals has ignited yet another war. Armed groups continue to employ forced labor reminiscent of Leopold's era, while international corporations profit from the illegal mineral trade.
