
How could one man give the nod to a brash £40m tourist trap in the best loved beauty spot in Scotland?
It is possibly the most unpopular tourism proposal in Scottish planning history. People living nearby are overwhelmingly against it. Even Conservative and Green politicians for a united front in condemning it.
The number of objections from across the country and beyond is unprecedented. More than 155,000 people have said no thank-you to a leisure resort on the banks of Loch Lomond, perhaps the nation's most jealously guarded scenic treasure.
But there is a number still more extraordinary than that. It is the number of people who, ultimately, decided whether a plan by a Yorkshire company called Flamingo Land to plonk a £43.5 million complex with hotels, lodges, restaurants, a waterpark and monorail in Scotland oldest national park should be given the nod. That number is just one.
The lone decision maker was David Buylla, who goes by the title of principal reporter for the Scottish Government Planning and Environmental Appeals Decision.
Unelected, his job is to field appeals from unsuccessful applicants and rule on whether – in his professional opinion – elected bodies answerable to voters made the right call in refusing them. If he thinks they did not, he has the power to turn their ruling on its head.
Last month Mr Buylla delivered his verdict on the whether a unanimous decision by Loch Lomond and the Trossachs National Park (LLTNP) to reject the holiday resort on the land it is there to protect was the correct one. He has indicated it was not.
In his view, providing Flamingo Land satisfies a series of conditions, they should go ahead and build the leisure park that holds the Scottish planning record for most objections.
Unsurprisingly, the shock reversal has prompted a furious outcry. Demonstrators made their displeasure known outside the Scottish Parliament last week.
Scottish Labour's deputy leader Dame Jackie Baillie, the local MSP, has called it an 'affront to democracy'. Ross Greer of the Scottish Greens says it is an 'anti-democratic outrage' and that the approval of the 'mega-resort' will be 'deeply damaging to our national reputation.'
And SNP ministers? What do they say on the denouement to Scotland's most railed-against planning application ever? They merely assert that the 'expert' has spoken.
On any analysis the Flamingo Land saga – some ten years in the making – raises serious questions about the planning system, its accountability to the public, its apparent democratic deficit – not to mention why a Scottish Government reporter's expertise trumps that of the raft of experts who say the resort is a non-starter.
But the affair is messier and murkier than that. Even more uncomfortable questions are now emerging over a planning fiasco which critics say leaves the government hopelessly compromised.
Why, for example, should its appointed planning officer's conclusion be trusted over the recommendation of the government's own environmental watchdog, Sepa, which says the resort, known as Lomond Banks, should be ruled out because it breaches flood protection rules?
And what to make of the fact that the land on which the resort would be built is currently owned by the Scottish Government's economic development wing, Scottish Enterprise, which plans to sell plot to Flamingo Land on approval of its application?
According to Dame Jackie and others involved in the saga from the outset, the holiday resort proposal arose following government instructions to Scottish Enterprise to 'realise your assets' to raise capital.
Having chosen Flamingo Land as its preferred bidder, Scottish Enterprise 'courted' the developer, says the Labour politician.
Others go further. Former Conservative councillor Sally Page claims the English company was not only 'encouraged' by both the Scottish Government and Scottish Enterprise but that planners on LLTNP 'guided' the developer through the process.
She says: 'Flamingo Land have spent a six-figure sum preparing this application. They can probably show enough evidence to support the case that Scottish Enterprise, the Scottish Government and LLTNP encouraged them all along.
'It is probable that a KC would be able to put together the evidence and sue either the Scottish Government, Scottish Enterprise or LLTNP for wasting their time, should it not go through.'
In the end, she suggests, it was 'easier for the LLTNP locally to turn it down and let the Scottish Government's faceless reporter make the difficult decision.'
In a nutshell she is arguing that the planning body was acutely aware that any decision they made to refuse the application would be challenged, taken out of their hands and possibly overturned – but they, at least, would avoid taking the heat for it.
A sorry reflection, many might conclude, on a planning system which, at the appeal stage, upends democracy and removes political accountability.
But where does this leave a Scottish Government which finds itself on both sides of the equation? Its own agency is the landowner which stands to profit from the sale of it to a developer. Its environmental watchdog is a key voice in opposing the development. And yet another arm of government, its appeals division, is the ultimate decision maker – reaching conclusions against the backdrop of possible legal action against its employer.
In the circumstances, can it be tenable that no one with Ministerial responsibility – and accountability to voters – is prepared to involve themselves?
Or is the fact that Scottish Government fingerprints are all over this almighty planning mess already the very reason why Ministers now refuse to touch it?
Dame Jackie tells the Mail: 'Scottish Enterprise, the economic development arm of the SNP Government, has courted Lomond Banks for close to 10 years. It is therefore little wonder that SNP Ministers don't want to call it in.'
The proposal, critics point out, is to build a holiday resort which is entirely out of keeping with the natural beauty of a visitor attraction of profound national importance.
It will put 250 extra cars an hour onto the already congested A82, bring minimal economic benefit for the West Dunbartonshire community of Balloch because the resort is self-contained, offer mainly low-paid jobs and destroy ancient woodland.
It was opposed not only by 155,000 objectors but by Sepa, the National Trust for Scotland, Ramblers Scotland, community councils and the Woodland Trust.
Appalled by the lone planning officer's finding against the weight of such considerable expert opinion, the latter's advocacy manager Simon Ritchie states: 'The loss of ancient woodland to a development anywhere is shameful. To see it destroyed in a national park beggars belief.'
And yet, it would seem, the Scottish Government is content that a lone operative has dealt with the matter and sees no reason for Ministers to dirty their hands with the fall-out.
Mr Greer, whose party was in a power-sharing agreement with the SNP while much of the planning row raged, is among the most vociferous critics of the Scottish Government on this issue.
He insists democratically accountable Ministers must have the final say when an application is of national importance.
'In the case of Flamingo Land, the Planning Minister and the First Minister are hiding behind officials, despite this decision effectively overturning key protections in the national planning framework agreed by Parliament.'
He adds: 'Ministers should use their powers of recall when it's in the national interest. That is why the mechanism is available to them. Hiding behind officials sows mistrust towards our institutions. In our democracy, the buck stops with those who are elected.'
Dame Jackie, meanwhile, describes the reporter's conclusions as 'really bizarre' and says that, in any case, it is 'not acceptable' for one unelected appointee, however experienced, to be free to overturn the decision of an elected body on an issue of such magnitude,
There should be set criteria which trigger ministerial involvement in planning decisions she says.
'It's the lack of consistency, it's the race to get this through – and it's ministers refusing to do anything about calling it in because it is a political hot potato.
'It is an affront to democracy that this decision has been made by a single reporter, when less contentious applications have been called in previously.
She adds: 'I want somebody who is democratically elected to look at this properly, and that's what I think Ministers should be doing.'
The Scottish Government does have form for calling in planning decisions it deems of national importance.
Back in 2008, Ministers stepped in and obliged Donald Trump whose plan to build a golf resort on the Menie Estate was refused by Aberdeenshire Council. The future US president's project was duly given the nod – resulting in years of controversy.
Seventeen years on, there is zero Scottish Government appetite for ministerial involvement in the long-running and highly complex Lomond Banks row.
Indeed, public finance minister Ivan McKee claims it is not even appropriate for him to comment on the application because it 'remains live'.
Technically that may be the case – but only because the Scottish Government reporter has given Flamingo Land a deadline of six months to satisfy 49 conditions and reach a legally binding agreement with the national park.
Yet he did feel free to say that, in view of the 'very technical' issues in the case and the high level of public interest it was appropriate that 'objective planning judgement' was applied. 'For that reason, I do not intend to recall this appeal'.
He added: 'The expert in this case is the reporter, who is tasked with going through the planning regulations as they apply, looking at the evidence in depth.'
Nor was Mr Swinney any more keen to step in to 'save' Loch Lomond. 'The appeal remains live. Members have to understand that it would not be appropriate for me to comment.'
The democratic deficit at the heart of Scotland's planning appeal system is, of course, not a new discovery for many.
Rural dwellers who oppose the imposition of wind farms on their doorsteps have highlighted it for years. They win the first battle when the local authority rejects the plan – then lose the second when a lone Scottish Government reporter uphold the appeal.
Mr Greer's suggestion, then, that the Lomond Banks case represents an 'anti-democratic outrage' strikes some as a bit rich.
Graham Lang, the chairman of Scotland Against Spin, says: 'We have no sympathy for him or his party who have chosen to ignore that the same scenario has been played out on an almost weekly basis for the past two decades in rural communities throughout Scotland.
'Mr Greer must be aware of this but has never complained when his beloved green energy developments are granted planning permission against the wishes of the majority of local residents.'
For his part, the Green MSP argues these installations are about 'keeping the lights on across the country'.
'However, no one could argue that Flamingo Land is of national importance to Scotland.'
The lone planning official's ruling was certainly welcomed in some quarters.
Lomond Banks development director Jim Paterson said the company was 'delighted' by the decision, adding: 'As we look beyond today's decision, we remain committed to being a strong and valued contributor to the local economy and we look forward to progressing with our proposals as we now consider detailed planning.'
Meanwhile Friends of Loch Lomond and the Trossachs, a group which has long campaigned in favour of the resort, said the reporter had 'resoundingly demolished' the arguments for opposing it.
Responding to the allegations put to it by the Mail, including the claim that Flamingo Land was 'courted', leaving the Scottish Government conflicted, a spokesman said: 'These claims are untrue. The independent reporter is an experienced planning professional who provides an objective planning judgement.'
Will the Scottish Parliament and the 155,000 who campaigned against Flamingo Land accept that answer? Or will they drag democratically accountable Ministers, kicking and screaming, into the spotlight?
The last chapter in a story the SNP government are anxious to close the book on may not yet be written.
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BBC News
41 minutes ago
- BBC News
Mid Cheshire: 'This area has massive untapped potential'
Despite Mid Cheshire boasting a proud heritage, some of its residents think it has often been overlooked and overshadowed by the likes of Chester, Liverpool and its councils are going to promote Mid Cheshire in an attempt to encourage more business investment in the area and lure more region comprises the three salt towns of Middlewich, Northwich and Winsford - where the commodity has been extracted since prehistoric times - and the surrounding what's included in the plan, what could it mean for the area, and what do residents want to see? "A bold and ambitious 15-year vision," is how the new plan for Mid Cheshire was described by Cheshire West and Chester Council at a recent covers areas including business investment, skills and infrastructure, and will also include the creation of a business-led board named the Mid-Cheshire Partnership."It's about tying together the areas in Mid Cheshire that have a shared history and a shared heritage, as well as having strong economic ties," said the council's deputy leader Karen local authority is keen to emphasise that the plan will not be led by the it is designed to be a collaboration with businesses, community groups and councillors are not Lynn Gibbon said that while the plan offered a "compelling vision" for the area, she had concerns."Vision without delivery is just a story and right now the Mid Cheshire Plan has serious weaknesses in its foundations especially when it comes to growing our rural economy," she told the meeting where it was ultimately approved."I support the ambition but I challenge you to sharpen the evidence, cost the actions and get serious about rural delivery because we can't afford another strategy that sounds good but delivers little." Andrew Cooper is the first MP for Mid Cheshire for more than 100 previous Mid Cheshire seat was abolished in the 19th it was reinstated in 2024 as a result of a boundary review, all three of Mid Cheshire's major towns were in different parliamentary was part of the Congleton seat, Northwich was included in Weaver Vale, while Winsford fell within the Eddisbury while the Mid Cheshire plan was approved by Cheshire West and Chester Council, Middlewich is actually part of the neighbouring Cheshire East a result, the plan includes the two councils working closely together."Something that I've pushed for a lot - for a long time - is trying to eliminate this idea of 'borderland thinking'," said Labour MP Cooper."So we have an arbitrary line that goes between Cheshire West and Cheshire East, sort of skirting around the outside of Middlewich."But the economies of Northwich, Winsford and Middlewich? They're not separate entities, they're interdependent, they're integrated into one another."I've felt for a long time that the councils need to work more closely together and need more of a strategic vision about how you make the economy of Mid Cheshire work." But what do people in the area think? And what do the want to see?On Witton Street in the heart of Northwich, Paul Esling told me that while he believes the town has a lot to offer, it sometimes gets "overlooked".He would like to see the return of free parking and a reduction of business rates to encourage more independent and artisan shops."I think we get a bit lost," said Mr Esling, "because we're sandwiched by Chester, Liverpool, Manchester."You've got towns like Alderley Edge and Knutsford that are seen to be quite salubrious and I think we can [also] get overlooked in that respect."But he said annual events, such as the Pina Colada Festival and the River Festival, certainly helped."If they can do more of this here, the traders would have a better chance."But also it brings people in who wouldn't normally be here and then they come along and think 'this is alright, actually'." 'A bit run-down' Viv Powell lives in Winsford and regularly visits her daughter and grandchild in told me she wanted to see more investment in local high streets to encourage people to stay in the area."I think they should spend a bit of money, because there are a lot of people who live in this area that would do a lot more shopping here," said Ms Powell."But if you go to Chester there's no point in coming back into Northwich to buy a loaf."That's what they should be encouraging people, saying you don't have to go far to have a good time. Stay in your local area."Shelia Forrest lives in the village of Hartford, which is about two miles (3km) southwest of Northwich and only about six or seven miles from Winsford and would loved to see more cultural activities in the area, as she currently often heads to Knutsford or Chester."Maybe a bit more art-centred things here to see," she Forrest praised Northwich's cinema and theatre but said she'd like to see more exhibitions in the also said Mid Cheshire's town centres could use a little TLC."It's a little bit run-down," she explained. "The area's nice where they built the cinema but I think they could have probably done a bit more."I think they could improve the centre, clean it up. If you go out to Knutsford, it isn't like that, it's nice. If you go to Chester, it's nice."You don't want people going out of area so I think this would improve it." The Mid Cheshire plan was approved in May and is still at an early funding has yet been secured, although Cheshire West and Cheshire Council believes the plan's mere existence will help with bids for MP Andrew Cooper is very optimistic."I genuinely believe that Mid Cheshire has massive amounts of untapped potential," he said."I hope people from Middlewich, Northwich and Winsford will see that their concerns about how much attention, how much economic planning goes into the development of the places where they live, [have] been taken seriously, it's happening and people are on it." Read more stories from Cheshire on the BBC and follow BBC North West on X. For more local politics coverage, BBC Politics North West is on BBC One on Sunday at 10:00am and on BBC iPlayer.


The Guardian
an hour ago
- The Guardian
Will the North Sea oil and gas industry be Labour's next U-turn?
It was inevitable that Nigel Farage would take Reform UK's campaign tour to Aberdeen. On a visit to the capital of the UK's oil and gas industry on Monday he welcomed a defecting Aberdeen Conservative councillor, the 13th defection to his party's ranks in Scotland to date. Reform is hoping to make political hay from the discontent surrounding the government's North Sea policies, the demise of the oil and gas basin and the vast workforce that depends on it. The populist party has vowed to reverse the government's ban on fresh North Sea oil and gas drilling as a 'day one' priority if elected to power in 2029. Farage's naked targeting of the Granite City and of net zero – which he has described as 'lunacy' and the 'next Brexit' – has some in Westminster and the energy industry asking what would once have been unthinkable: will Labour be forced to water down or even U-turn on its North Sea pledges? The Labour government swept to power last summer with a manifesto pledge to end new North Sea oil and gas projects and make Britain a clean energy superpower. But in less than a year the government has bent to the backlash against some of its most high-profile policies on benefits and winter fuel allowances, stoking speculation that its stance on the North Sea might be the next position to crumble. Industry sources believe the government may be poised to give the green light to new North Sea projects from this autumn. The Guardian understands that senior government advisers have told North Sea investors that new drilling could still move ahead despite the election promise, provided the projects are close to existing pipeline infrastructure and do not extend into 'greenfield' areas. One energy investor said government advisers in the Treasury and No 10 had 'quite openly' signalled that the door would be left open for new oil and gas projects to proceed despite the government's climate commitments. 'Myself and a number of colleagues have been told that the government is moving towards the idea of allowing new licences,' the source said. However, the claims are at odds with the green agenda set out by Ed Miliband, the secretary of state at the Department for Energy Security and Net Zero (DESNZ), who has previously described plans to develop the Jackdaw and Rosebank oilfields in the North Sea as 'an act of climate vandalism'. Those two oilfields, which are caught in a long-running legal battle over their emissions, will be a critical test of how Labour's desperation to counter the rise of Reform rubs up against its green principles. Cutting emissions has strong support in the UK, with YouGov polling in March showing 61% of adults support or strongly support the government's target of reducing emissions to net zero by 2050. About 24% oppose or strongly oppose the policy. But with domestically produced oil and gas being replaced with imports from Qatar and the US, sources believe that the Treasury is anxious to allow projects to move ahead to protect the more than 200,000 jobs that rely on the North Sea sector, and the billions in forecast tax revenues the industry generates for the exchequer. 'Within the Treasury there is a desire to interpret the manifesto commitment loosely,' a second industry source said. 'If there is an existing licence related to a field which means it might not be considered a 'greenfield' site then perhaps an expansion of that area could be acceptable.' The North Sea contributes £25bn in value to the UK economy each year, according to the trade group Offshore Energies UK, which is more than five times the contribution of the UK steel industry and twice the contribution of the UK car industry. 'I suspect there will be some difficult internal rows about what counts as a 'new licence' between DESNZ and the Treasury - but I suspect that ultimately the Treasury will win this battle, with support from No 10,' the source added. Labour's manifesto offers some room for manoeuvre: it promised that the party would not 'issue new licences to explore new fields', but would also not revoke existing North Sea licences granted by the previous government. This means that controversial North Sea oil and gas projects at Rosebank, Jackdaw and Cambo – which were given licences by the previous government – could in theory be granted final consent to move ahead without breaching the manifesto promise. Oil companies which hope to drill new wells within their previously licensed areas, known as 'in-fill drilling', could also be given the green light to extract more oil and gas from their existing projects. The sources have suggested that even more leeway may be created within the definition of the manifesto pledge. The election pledge was welcomed by green groups as a clear sign of the government's intent to meet its legally binding net zero targets as the climate crisis intensifies. However, critics of the policy – which include backbench Labour MPs and union leaders – fear that the economic fallout may outweigh any climate benefits as imported hydrocarbons increasingly replace North Sea oil and gas. Britain's trade unions, which donate generously to the Labour party, fear that job losses in the industry and its supply chains are accelerating quicker than companies can pivot towards the green economy. Sharon Graham, the general secretary of Unite, said: 'Letting go of one rope before we have hold of another by ending oil and gas licences is not acceptable. It threatens both our national security and jobs.' 'Oil and gas workers cannot be the coal miners of our generation,' she added. 'Britain needs to maintain skills and invest in the industries of the future. Jobless transitions will not be accepted by Unite, neither will jam tomorrow. If Labour do not back workers other voices fill the vacuum.' Andy Prendergast, the GMB's national secretary, said the union has called on the government to re-appraise the UK's energy policy. 'Existing policy is simply offshoring responsibility, importing virtue, and undercutting a transition for energy workers in the North Sea,' he said. One North Sea oil worker said the government's stance represented 'nothing short of a strangulation of an industry and of the north-east Scottish economy'. He voted Reform in the last general election and said he could not name a single person who would vote for Labour. Sign up to Business Today Get set for the working day – we'll point you to all the business news and analysis you need every morning after newsletter promotion 'Aberdeen is being bled dry,' the rig worker added. 'The hypocrisy of a government which is willing to import and burn fossil fuels for energy generation but is unwilling to support its homegrown hydrocarbon industry, all to catch the newspapers headlines for political point scoring, is astounding.' Mel Evans, a climate team leader at Greenpeace UK, said the switch from oil and gas to renewables 'must bring workers and communities along' and create jobs in green manufacturing. Unions and climate campaigners are demanding an emergency funding package of £1.9bn a year to help with the transition be included in Rachel Reeves's spending review on Wednesday. 'It's vital that we don't leave oil and gas workers' future in the hands of private companies who put their profits above workers' security and the climate time and time again,' she said. 'We urgently need a renewable energy system fit for the 21st century that can bring down bills, helping our energy security and the climate at the same time. But we must bring workers and communities along and ensure that wind manufacturing and renewable energy jobs stay here in the UK, rather than leaving other countries to benefit from the booming green economy.' The government's independent climate advisers, the Climate Change Committee (CCC), have called for tight controls on any new North Sea production but have also found that the emissions case for a ban on new projects is 'not clear cut'. 'The CCC has not been able to establish the net impact on global emissions of new UK oil and gas extraction,' the advisers said in a letter to former energy secretary Kwasi Kwarteng in 2022. This is partly because the UK's oil and gas has a relatively low carbon footprint relative to the countries that supply its gas imports. The UK will continue to be a net importer of fossil fuels by 2050 even when keeping to its net zero ambition. Under the CCC's forecasts, oil and gas will tumble from about 75% of the UK's primary energy demand now to about 23% by 2050. But that would still mean the UK needs over 14m tonnes of oil equivalent each year – most of which will be imported. The UK is increasingly reliant on imports of liquified natural gas from the US and Qatar – which have a far higher carbon intensity than North Sea gas – as well as piped gas from Norway. On the one hand the UK could help lower global emissions by replacing some of these fossil fuel imports with domestic hydrocarbons, but on the other hand any extra oil and gas produced by the UK could risk creating a global oversupply of fossil fuels 'that would pose a risk to the aims of the Paris agreement'. What oil and gas remains is becoming harder to extract, meaning the North Sea basin will still be in terminal decline even if the government loosens its stance. The policy against new North Sea oil projects emerged after the global energy watchdog, the International Energy Agency, warned in 2021 that no new fossil projects could move ahead if the world hoped to meet its climate targets. Here too the hard lines appear to be softening. By 2023 the Paris-based agency clarified its stance, stating that 'no new conventional long-lead time oil projects' should be approved but that 'investing in existing fossil fuel supply, however, is still needed'. The government is expected to clarify its plans for the future of the North Sea through an industry consultation that closed at the end of April. Its response, which is expected in the autumn, is likely to rule out a return to annual North Sea licensing rounds – but industry insiders expect that it will allow at least some new projects to progress. That could leave Miliband in an awkward position. There have been 'discussions within the Labour party for months over how to handle his potential resignation', said an industry source. 'I do think the government is, belatedly, becoming a little more pragmatic about [the North Sea],' the second source added. 'And I suspect that ultimately pragmatism will win the day. But it may be too late, honestly. In the North Sea we're on a worrying downward spiral of job losses and an accelerated production decline.' A DESNZ spokesperson dismissed the claims as 'secondhand speculation' which 'bear no relation' to the government's work to 'implement our manifesto position to not issue new licences to explore new oil and gas fields'. The Treasury did not respond to the Guardian's request beyond the DESNZ statement.


The Guardian
an hour ago
- The Guardian
Farage is like a tribune for the working class, says former Bank of England economist
Nigel Farage is the closest to a 'tribune for the working class', the former Bank of England chief economist has said in a stark warning for Keir Starmer's Labour party. Andy Haldane said the surge in support for Reform UK in the opinion polls suggested there had been 'something of a moral rupture' between the government and many voters, which should spur Starmer to take action with a 'radical reset' of its growth plans. He said Labour's misfiring growth strategy and decisions on winter fuel payments and the two-child benefit limit had opened the door to Farage by fuelling a sense that mainstream politicians promise change but fail to deliver. Asked whether Reform was the new party of the working class, Haldane said: 'I do not know. [But] as things stand today, and doing no more than echoing what is in the polls … that is what the larger part of the working classes think – which matters rather more than what I think. What is certainly true, is Nigel Farage is as close to what the country has to a tribune for the working classes. 'I don't think there's any politician that comes even remotely close to speaking to, and for, blue-collar, working-class Britain. I think that is just a statement of fact and in some ways, that underscores the importance of the other parties doing somewhat better to find a story, to find a language, and to find some policies that speak to the needs of those most in need.' Labour fended off Reform in Thursday's Holyrood byelection by winning the central Scotland seat of Hamilton, Larkhall and Stonehouse. But its defeat last month in the Runcorn byelection and Reform's victories in hundreds of council seats in England has raised concerns that Labour is struggling to hold on to core voters in its heartlands. Ahead of Rachel Reeves's spending review on Wednesday and imminent announcement on the government's industrial strategy, Haldane urged the chancellor to double down on Labour's devolution agenda and to provide extra financial firepower to support manufacturing jobs and communities. Reeves has argued that Britain's economy is turning a corner after a weak performance at the end of 2024, although has acknowledged that the public 'are becoming restless' amid a battle to raise living standards. Haldane, a key architect of the last government's levelling up plans, said a rethink of Labour's regional growth plans was needed. 'Opportunity is knocking for a reset,' he said. 'Both in how the growth and industrial strategy is conceived of, but also how it's financed. 'Personally I have been very disappointed with the government offerings on this front so far. I am surprised there has not been a greater focus, other than in sloganeering, on properly empowering the regions and nations of the UK. Frankly without which the government's growth mission has no hope.' Haldane, who is stepping down as the chief executive of the Royal Society of Arts thinktank at the end of this month, said a 'sterile injection of optimism, money, and power' was needed in communities where many voters feel left behind. Sign up to Business Today Get set for the working day – we'll point you to all the business news and analysis you need every morning after newsletter promotion He said the industrial strategy, which will set out government plans to support eight key sectors of the economy, could help Labour to win support in 'red wall' seats in the north and midlands of England where Reform is making headway. However, more investment was required in education, skills and training. 'A key missing ingredient from the government's growth plan generally, and from previous governments' growth plans, and at risk of being missing from the industrial strategy, is what is the people strategy to back that up,' he said. Haldane had been chair of the last government's Industrial Strategy Council before the group was abolished. Labour has created an advisory council to oversee its plan, led by Clare Barclay, the head of Microsoft in the UK.