
Outa in court bid to declare Joburg property power broker Helen Botes delinquent director over Usindiso fire
Anti-corruption organisation Outa served delinquent director court papers on Johannesburg Metro strongwoman Helen Botes on Wednesday, 13 August. The papers relate to Botes's negligence in the Usindiso fire in August 2023, in which 76 people were killed.
A second case involves Botes's implication by the Special Investigating Unit (SIU) in Covid-19 procurement criminality, where R18.6-million was spent on dodgy companies. These providers failed to do the work on City property, and the spending took place even when most City staffers were working from home. (See Mark Heywood's report here.)
Botes, like a cat with nine lives, has been implicated in various other crises in the city, including the abandonment of the Metro Centre and the leasing of expensive buildings from an ANC cadre. This property cadre has on several occasions been in arrears in paying the City's bills, as reported here. But, as a powerful member of the ANC region, she has escaped censure.
Botes has been the CEO of the Johannesburg Property Company (JPC) and a director of the City entity since 2008, and in that role has consolidated her position as an official and political power broker. She was appointed acting COO of Johannesburg in January in unprocedural circumstances, but with Tshepo Makola now back in his position, it's unclear what Botes is doing.
JPC spokesperson Lucky Sindane confirmed that Botes has not returned to the entity as CEO. 'The JPC board is studying the court action and will consider its options,' he said.
The board is chaired by Simon Motha, who is the deputy chairperson of the ANC Johannesburg region. Mayor Dada Morero is the chairperson.
Legal action
Outa demands that Botes face immediate and decisive accountability.
'Public officials trusted with life-and-death responsibilities cannot be allowed to walk away from catastrophes without consequences. We owe it to the victims, their families and all residents of South Africa to ensure those responsible are held accountable, and that such a disaster (the fire) never happens again,' said Outa executive director, advocate Stefanie Fick.
Fick is using the Companies Act, which allows for an application to the court to declare a director delinquent.
'A court must make an order of delinquency if a director grossly abused this position, inflicted harm on the company or acted with gross negligence, wilful misconduct or breach of trust,' she said.
The organisation successfully used a delinquency application against the late Dudu Myeni, who was a wrecking ball at SAA, in 2020. That case took three or four years to finalise, said Outa's Wayne Duvenage, but he added that this case should not take that long since the organisation's standing to bring the application has been decided and is now case law.
Outa has used the findings of the Khampepe Commission of Inquiry (chaired by Judge Sisi Khampepe) as the cornerstone of its application to court. Daily Maverick sent questions to the City about the Outa case, and its answers will be added once received.
The JPC manages a portfolio of 29,001 properties with a book value of R10.2-billion, many of which are in poor condition due to inadequate management, as evidenced by the Usindiso shelter, the Metro Centre, the Randburg Civic Centre and numerous other properties. (See this report from Carte Blanche, for example.) The City's attempts to squeeze more money out of leaseholders on public properties and green spaces in Johannesburg have caused an uproar, as reported here by Ed Stoddard and Julia Evans.
The Khampepe commission found that:
The board of directors of the JPC must consider taking appropriate action against Botes, the chief executive of the JPC, for the total disregard of managing the Usindiso building despite knowledge of the disastrous state since at least 2019;
Botes gave evidence and answered questions by the evidence leader (of the commission) and, in cross-examination, made concessions indicating awareness of the following relevant facts spanning from at least 2015 until the fire occurred. Since at least 2015, Usindiso Ministries had vacated the building; the building was not zoned for residential purposes; the building had been hijacked, remained occupied illegally and was overcrowded; crime was rife in the building, and the building was not habitable; the building had illegal electricity connections and water consumption; the building lacked firefighting equipment and installations; and the JPC had failed to maintain the property since 2003; and
The evidence of the former residents detailed herein indicates without any shadow of a doubt that the Usindiso building was dangerous or showed signs of becoming hazardous to life or property. In contrast, the evidence presented by Botes elsewhere demonstrates that the JPC and, by extension, the COJ were aware that the Usindiso building posed a danger to life or property, yet no steps appear to have been taken to uphold applicable laws to ensure public safety. DM

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The South African
3 hours ago
- The South African
Cyril Ramaphosa urges dialogue to fix 'broken' South Africa
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IOL News
5 hours ago
- IOL News
Key decision looms for police inquiry on evidence leader
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However, the ANC said the committee should use the services of legal counsel within the parliamentary legal services. Video Player is loading. Play Video Play Unmute Current Time 0:00 / Duration -:- Loaded : 0% Stream Type LIVE Seek to live, currently behind live LIVE Remaining Time - 0:00 This is a modal window. Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window. 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Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps Reset restore all settings to the default values Done Close Modal Dialog End of dialog window. Next Stay Close ✕ ANC MP Khusela Sangoni-Diko said they should not seek to utilise resources unnecessarily when those services were available in-house. 'Our understanding is that Parliament has counsel, even senior counsel within its own members. We must use the services of legal counsel rather than external services,' Sangoni-Diko said. MK Party MP David Skosana said external legal counsel should not displace the MPs from their oversight duty. 'We propose that external legal counsel may propose a line of questioning, but members must retain control and the scope of inquiry,' he said. This was contrary to the proposal that the format of questioning of witnesses be determined by the external legal counsel in consultation with chairperson of the committee, Soviet Lekganyane. Skosana said the appointment of a vetted external legal counsel should be transparent and that they should be told about the costs of their services. 'We hope there are no people lined up already, like we have seen in State Capture corruption. We have seen that and we can back it up,' he said. ActionSA MP Dereleen James was unsure if the parliamentary legal services have the requisite exposure to the responsibilities of an evidence leader. 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'Whistle-blowers and other sources that come forward with sensitive information are protected under the law, possibly with the assistance of witness protection.' IFP MP Albert Mncwango said: 'We need to pay particular attention to the security and safety of our witnesses.' Regarding the venues for meetings of the committee, it is proposed that they be held in Parliament or any other suitable venue. It is also proposed that hybrid or virtual meetings be held to accommodate those MPs unable to travel to Cape Town. Skosana said they should have secure platform with identity verification and secure channels for sensitive evidence, in addition to avoid cost if it held meetings outside Parliament. 'We should avoid what the State Capture Commission has done at all costs,' he said. DA MP Diane Barnard Kohler said their meetings should be in Parliament since MPs were provided with accommodation and transport. 'I would vehement object to this being moved elsewhere,' she said.


Daily Maverick
6 hours ago
- Daily Maverick
Letter to Mahlamba Ndlopfu — standards of bribes have plummeted in South Africa
Ah, Chief Dwasaho! This week, the ANC's Integrity Commission (what integrity?) cleared King Paul Mashatile of the Alex Mafia nation of corruption allegations relating to his 'family homes'. No case existed to begin with. Is this the time to say: I told you so – or is it too early? Integrity Commission finds no fault… Shock! Horror! Gasp! According to eNCA, 'the ANC's integrity commission has cleared the party's Deputy President, Paul Mashatile, of any wrongdoing concerning his luxury homes'. What law was supposedly broken by spending a night – or perhaps several years – with the in-laws? One is tempted to ask: can the mere fact of maternal hospitality constitute prosecutable misconduct? Surely not. The law of evidence should not be twisted into a pretzel to suit weak gossip, nor should the ANC display such feeble moral imagination as to call this a scandal. You'd think there would be a law against unethical behaviour and a criminal offence for serious misunderstandings of our legal system. But sadly, no such legislation exists – so spare us the dramatics, the moral grandstanding, and the moral panics. His Deputyship is a man of high moral standing. He once told the 'now-disgraced' broadcaster, JJ Tabane, the unvarnished truth: 'I don't steal, I've never been involved in corruption.' I have no doubt he was right. I see no reason to believe that poorly educated journalists with sleeping problems, an affinity for adult beverages, and, some might say, poor judgement in choosing life partners, can hold a man – or men – to account. Who guards the guardians? Guardians, bribes and Dior bags Speaking of guardians, my esteemed colleague Pieter-Louis Myburgh swears he's delivered what could be the first exposé to catch a bribe recorded on video. The stars of this production? The recently suspended Independent Development Trust (IDT) CEO, Tebogo Malaka, and the entity's smooth-talking spokesperson, Phasha Makgolane. For the record, the IDT is a proud entity of the Department of Public Works and Infrastructure – yes, that very department which delivers on its promises with all the speed and efficiency of a one-legged tortoise on crutches. It appears Malaka has developed a sizeable property portfolio, including a R16-million mansion tucked neatly inside Gauteng's Waterfall Country Estate. And of course – courtesy of… well, you see, I have a weak heart, a single loving wife, type 2 diabetes, an unpaid bond, and 10 children who depend on me. In other words, I'm in no position to be sued. Death of corruption with class Still, the standards of bribes have plummeted in this country: R60,000, stuffed into a white Dior shopping bag and slipped into a white envelope – note, not the classic, respectable brown – handed over in broad daylight at a wine farm restaurant. That alone should have been the first red flag. The second? Conducting the handover at an outdoor table, in full view of fellow diners, as if corruption were now an Olympic spectator sport. Now, everyone knows bribes are meant to be exchanged in dull, smoke-filled, dimly lit rooms overrun with the gentle soundtrack of pole dancers, political crosstitutes, cross-dressers, prostitutes, drug dealers and well-built, tall Nigerian bouncers with menacing, bloodshot eyes. Men, in various stages of intoxication and ill-concealed lust, lean against sticky counters, while drug pushers glide from table to table, making furtive hand signs – two fingers to the nose – signalling that cocaine is on offer. In other words, Pieter-Louis was dealing with amateurs. And really, R60,000? What an insult. You attempt to bribe a youngish white male born after apartheid – no land, no farm, no guaranteed job – with R60,000, when a single bottle of Glenfiddich 50-year-old was going for R600,000 in Makro's festive-season catalogue in November 2023. Bribing in instalments: A 24-month, no-interest deal The amount of money exchanged is the kind of offer you make when trying to buy a second-hand 1912 Toyota Corolla with one missing hubcap. Worse, my leader, they promised Pieter-Louis regular R100,000 payments and easy access to IDT tenders… But here's the punchline: he'd have to do the work himself. Organise the contractors, submit the paperwork and launch a foundation to process the kickbacks before withdrawing the cash, leaving a paper trail thicker than the Zondo Commission's final report. What sort of bribery syllabus is this? 'How to Incriminate Yourself 101'? At this rate, the next bribe will be handed over at a Woolworths checkout counter, wedged between a rotisserie chicken and a packet of organic baby spinach. If IDT head honchos can't even organise a bribe with a bit of class, perhaps it's time they subcontracted the job to the real professionals – the ones who still believe in the brown envelope, a dingy club and the bouncer who knows when to look away. Public service announcement To all aspiring State Capturers, tenderpreneurs and amateur bribers – do not, under any circumstances, attempt to bribe anyone in instalments. It is bad form, unbecoming of the grand South African tradition, and frankly insulting to your intended target. Now, everyone understands there are rules. Bribes, like ANC branch annual general meetings and their elective conferences, require a ceremony of the disgraced. Instead, these two chose a Sunday afternoon in the Cape Winelands, perhaps thinking the chardonnay would pair well with their criminal intent. Bloody idiots. Comrades, at least have the decency to do it properly: one payment, no paper trail, and preferably somewhere without a wine list and cameras. Of bribes, low class and no manners On the subject of bribes, many moons ago, a journalist walked into my office at the legislature, where I was serving as a media liaison officer. He was a familiar face – the kind of reporter who was practically part of the furniture in the media gallery. Without ceremony, as he lowered himself into the chair opposite me, I calmly closed my laptop and flipped my documents facedown. In those days, this was a standard practice, part of what the then National Intelligence Agency said was 'protocol'. We exchanged the usual pleasantries and small political talk. Then he got to the point. He claimed to have a mobile broadcast truck that could revolutionise our media coverage in community radio. I nodded politely, letting him make his case. And then came the hook: if I gave his company the job (tender), we would 'share the spoils'. Imagine walking past tight security, through the body scanner, into my office, and proposing a bribe without even an imvula mlomo to sweeten the deal – not so much as a courtesy cold beer or even a token gesture like a Glenfiddich 12-year-old. Just the raw, unseasoned proposition, slapped onto my desk like a resignation letter. Covert operation or the dumbest criminals? I looked him squarely in the eye and delivered the classic ANC denial: 'I do not sit in tender committees.' He stood up and left, an egg on his face – clearly runny, dripping, and visible from across the corridor. I threw my hands in the air, defeated, displeased, disillusioned, disheartened, disgusted, and frankly disturbed. What on Earth gave him the idea that I was bribeable? Was this a loyalty test, or was I on some underground BlackBerry Messenger list of 'low-maintenance' targets? The audacity haunted me for years. In the old political underworld, such an approach would have been carefully choreographed: a discreet third-party intermediary, a plausible cover story, and a brown envelope slipped under a desk marked 'Confidential.' But here was a man pitching corruption like a Makro clearance sale – blunt, artless, shame-free. I could not decide which was worse: his insult to my principles or the craft of bribery itself. If you're going to try to buy my silence, at least have the professional courtesy to follow the rules of the game. This, Comrades, was corruption without class. My leader, askies. I read in the news that the pipe-smoking former president, Thabo Mbeki, has joined forces with the FW de Klerk Foundation, other foundations and the Freedom Front Plus to snub the National Convention – the supposed launchpad for the National Dialogue. What common cause does Mbeki have with the apartheid apologists? Is it now a bridge too far to bribe the foundations? Neither Woolworths nor Makro offered financial or material support for this article. No bribes were paid or accepted, no animals harmed, and no journalists killed, as in Gaza.