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Trump judicial nominee Bove clears Senate panel despite Democratic protest

Trump judicial nominee Bove clears Senate panel despite Democratic protest

Yahoo4 days ago
By Andrew Goudsward
WASHINGTON (Reuters) -A U.S. Senate panel on Thursday advanced the nomination of Donald Trump's former personal lawyer to be a federal appeals court judge over protests from Democrats, who accuse him of using aggressive tactics to enforce the U.S. president's agenda at the Justice Department.
Republicans on the Senate Judiciary Committee unanimously supported the nomination of Emil Bove for a lifetime appointment on the 3rd U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals, sending the nomination to the full Senate. Bove currently serves as a top Justice Department official.
The hearing devolved into partisan rancor when the panel's Republican chairman, Chuck Grassley of Iowa, cut off debate on Bove's nomination. Senator Cory Booker of New Jersey, a Democrat, shouted that Grassley was violating the committee's rules as Republicans cast their votes. The other Democrats walked out of the hearing.
"This is outrageous that you're not allowing senators to have their fair say," Booker told Grassley. "What are you afraid of?"
Grassley accused Booker of "obstruction."
Bove's nomination drew fierce opposition from Democrats and many former Justice Department employees, more than 900 of whom signed a letter accusing him of undermining the integrity of the department.
Bove's defenders have pointed to his background as a federal terrorism prosecutor in New York and his work countering drug cartels and other threats.
Trump named Bove to a senior post at the Justice Department after he helped defend Trump against three criminal cases brought against him during his years out of power.
Bove came under scrutiny over his role in firing career prosecutors who worked on cases arising from the January 6, 2021 attack on the U.S. Capitol and his order to drop a federal corruption case against New York Mayor Eric Adams.
A former Justice Department lawyer last month accused Bove of suggesting the government may defy court rulings against the Trump administration's deportation efforts.
Bove has said he cannot recall making the statement and denied being a Trump "enforcer."
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Eight Books That Explain the University Crisis
Eight Books That Explain the University Crisis

Atlantic

time15 minutes ago

  • Atlantic

Eight Books That Explain the University Crisis

The past 10 years have been among the most tumultuous for higher education since the student movements of the 1960s. The 2020s began with a wave of progressive fervor that swept the nation and was especially notable on America's campuses. Five years later, the cultural pendulum has swung in the opposite direction. After a series of protests against the war in Gaza, followed by police crackdowns and debates over anti-Semitism, American universities (especially elite ones) are having their influential role in political life scrutinized. But arguments over their ideological bent have overshadowed the other major ways these institutions affect the country: Since at least the end of World War II, they have been driving forces for prosperity, social mobility, and world-changing scientific innovation. They underpin a huge portion of the country's sports ecosystem, provide the setting for hundreds of works of pop culture, and shape how Americans understand the transition from child to adult. President Donald Trump's administration has made unprecedented attacks on America's colleges and universities, and the effects of this onslaught are not limited to degree seekers, faculty, or administration—they ripple across American society, affecting, for example, patients who rely on universities' affiliated teaching hospitals and college towns where academic institutions are the main employers. There is no better time to look with clear eyes at the goals, accomplishments, and failures of these schools. The eight books on this list, taken in combination, tell the story of the historic rise, and current crisis, of the American university. The University in Ruins, by Bill Readings One of the most insightful books about the contemporary American university was written in the 1990s by a British professor who taught in Canada. Although Readings's history is not focused solely on U.S. institutions, few works better describe the changes they have undergone. Historically, he writes, colleges and universities aimed to imprint capital- C Culture—especially a familiarity with a nation's great texts and intellectual traditions—on young people. Today, however, students more often are seen and see themselves as consumers who are buying diplomas in order to signal their employability. In this model, the values that animate higher education are job preparation, skill building, and networking, not intellectual engagement or humanistic fulfillment. The University in Ruins is first and foremost a work of scholarship—a readable one, despite being peppered with occasional academese—but it is also a book of uncommon prescience that saw clearly that the rarefied ivory tower, with its idea of academia as a realm detached from the coarse affairs of the material world, was transforming into a credentialing bureaucracy. The Great American University, by Jonathan R. Cole Cole, a sociologist and Columbia University's former dean of faculties, offers a doorstop history of the modern research university that doubles as an unusually perceptive defense of these schools. What distinguishes them from other kinds of higher-ed institutions is their first priority, which is, as their name implies, research. They can offer excellent teaching, cultivate an educated citizenry, and help graduates climb the socioeconomic ladder, but these features are subsidiary to their primary mission of increasing human knowledge. Schools such as the University of Minnesota, the University of Pittsburgh, and the University of Florida may be most often in the public eye because of their sports teams, but they're also places where things that improve people's lives in ways both big and small—pacemakers, the polio vaccine, Gatorade—were invented. 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Shepherd shows that this is only part of the story: Her book examines how in the late 1960s, at the height of radical campus politics and the backlash against them, conservatives created student groups and movements of their own, backed by wealthy funders and organizations such as the Mont Pelerin Society and the Foundation for Economic Education. This campus organizing, she argues, not only produced many of the conservative leaders and intellectuals who would go on to shape the 20th and 21st centuries (including Karl Rove and Pat Buchanan); it also set the template for the right's approach to universities today. The now-familiar conservative move in which occasional examples of left-wing student excess are intensely spotlighted in order 'to create suspicion around campus antiwar and civil rights initiatives,' as Shepherd writes, was pioneered more than 50 years ago. After the Ivory Tower Falls, by Will Bunch Bunch's book was an instant classic of the time-honored 'academia is imploding' genre, but its apocalyptic title is also slightly misleading. Yes, it offers a bracing tour through the crises and failures—the explosion of student debt, the devaluing of expertise—that have plagued academia in the last 50 years. But After the Ivory Tower Falls is also a moving, even idealistic account of what higher education can be when it works. Invoking the G.I. Bill, which made a college education available to more of those in the working and middle classes, Bunch forces us to remember that the phrase 'paying your way through college' is derived from the fact that you actually used to be able to pay your way through college. He points out that when postsecondary schooling was politically prioritized and economically democratized, however partially and however unevenly, it increased both national prosperity and the financial prospects of many Americans. 'A college diploma became the shining symbol of a nation's promise—the American Dream,' he writes, lamenting that today, for too many, it can be a perfunctory piece of paperwork that saddles its recipient with unpayable debts. Kent State: An American Tragedy, by Brian VanDeMark The Naval Academy historian VanDeMark's recent book on the Kent State shooting, in which the National Guard fired on and killed four Vietnam War protestors, reminds readers that last year's spate of campus protests, which brought students and faculty into contact with militarized police, was not unprecedented. Kent State is an empathetic, politically dispassionate look at that massacre in the spring of 1970. VanDeMark largely sidesteps the received wisdom about the event, instead bringing fresh reporting and details to bear on 'the full story,' which, he writes, 'has remained elusive.' 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Childress draws on interviews and an intimate understanding of academia's management and financial model to lay bare the predatory and often inhumane labor practices —poverty wages, lack of health care, job insecurity—that are now common in an industry that fancies itself a bastion of progress and virtue. The Adjunct Underclass does much to disabuse readers of the fantasies of professorial life while exposing the considerably grimmer reality: At a time when universities were home to administrative bloat, poor management, and soaring tuition fees, they were also adopting employment practices that have left their faculty hanging by a thread.

Inside the federal government's purge of climate data
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time15 minutes ago

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Inside the federal government's purge of climate data

This story was originally published by Grist and is reproduced here as part of the Climate Desk collaboration. For 25 years, a group of the country's top experts has been fastidiously tracking the ways that climate change threatens every part of the United States. Their findings informed the National Climate Assessments, a series of congressionally mandated reports released every four years that translated the science into accessible warnings for policymakers and the public. But that work came to a halt this spring when the Trump administration abruptly dismissed all 400 experts working on the next edition. Then, late last month, all of the past reports vanished too, along with the federal website they lived on. A lot of information about the changing climate has disappeared under President Donald Trump's second term, but the erasure of the National Climate Assessments is 'by far the biggest loss we've seen,' said Gretchen Gehrke, who monitors federal websites with the Environmental Data and Governance Initiative. The National Climate Assessments were one of the most approachable resources that broke down how climate change will affect the places people care about, she said. The reports were also used by a wide swath of stakeholders — policymakers, farmers, businesses — to guide their decisions about the future. While the reports have been archived elsewhere, they're no longer as easy to access. And it's unclear what, if anything, will happen to the report that was planned for 2027 or 2028, which already existed in draft form. So why did the reports survive Trump's first term, but not his second? You could view their disappearance in a few different ways, experts said — as a flex of executive power, an escalation in the culture war over climate change, or a strategic attempt to erase the scientific foundation for climate policy. 'If you suppress information and data, then you don't have the evidence you need to be able to create regulations, strengthen regulations, and even to combat the repeal of regulations,' Gehrke said. This isn't climate denial in the traditional sense. The days of loudly debating the science have mostly given way to something quieter and more insidious: a campaign to withhold the raw information itself. 'I don't know if we're living in climate denial anymore,' said Leah Aronowsky, a science historian at the Columbia Climate School. 'We have this new front of denial by erasure.' By cutting funding for research and withholding crucial data, the Trump administration is making it harder to know exactly how the planet is changing. In April, the administration pulled nearly $4 million in funding from a Princeton program to improve computer models predicting changes in the oceans and atmosphere, claiming the work created 'climate anxiety' among young people. That same month, the Environmental Protection Agency failed to submit its annual report to the United Nations detailing the country's greenhouse gas emissions. In May, the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration ended its 45-year tradition of tracking billion-dollar weather disasters. Trump also hopes to shut down the Mauna Loa laboratory in Hawaii, which has measured the steady rise in atmospheric levels of carbon dioxide since the 1950s — the first data to definitively show humans were changing the climate. 'This kind of wholesale suppression of an entire field of federally sponsored research, to my knowledge, is historically unprecedented,' Aronowsky said. In a response to a request for comment, a NASA spokesperson said that it has 'no legal obligations to host data,' referring to the site that hosted the National Climate Assessments, adding that the US Global Change Research Program had already 'met its statutory requirements by presenting its reports to Congress.' The EPA directed Grist to a webpage containing past greenhouse gas emissions reports, as well as a version of what was supposed to be this year's report obtained by the Environmental Defense Fund. However, the agency confirmed that the latest data has not been officially released. The White House declined to comment, and the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration did not respond. Climate denial first took off in the 1990s, when the oil and gas companies and industry-friendly think tanks started sowing doubt about climate science. Last year, a leaked training video from Project 2025 — the policy roadmap organized by the Heritage Foundation, a conservative think tank — showed a former Trump official declaring that political appointees would have to 'eradicate climate change references from absolutely everywhere.' The strategy appears to be designed to boost the fossil fuel industry at a time when clean energy has become competitive and the reality of climate change harder to dismiss, as floods, fires, and heat waves have become perceptibly worse. 'We will drill, baby, drill,' Trump said in his inauguration speech in January. The administration hasn't exactly been subtle about its endgame. Lee Zeldin, the head of the EPA, doesn't deny the reality of climate change (he calls himself a 'climate realist'), but he's zealously dismantled environmental programs and has recommended that the White House strike down the 'endangerment finding,' the bedrock of US climate policy. It comes from a 2007 Supreme Court ruling on the Clean Air Act that required the EPA to regulate greenhouse gases as pollutants since they endanger public health. If the administration can convince the courts that climate change isn't a health consideration, it could end that regulatory obligation. 'If you're removing information about climate change, its reality, and its impact on people, then I think it's a lot easier to make the case that it's not an environmental health issue,' Gehrke said. There's a word for the idea that ignorance can serve political ends: agnotology (from the Greek 'agnosis,' or 'not knowing'), the study of how knowledge is deliberately obscured. What Trump is doing to information about climate change fits squarely in that tradition, according to Aronowsky: 'If you remove it, then in a certain sense, it no longer exists, and therefore, there's nothing to even debate, right?' Climate denial first took off in the 1990s, when the oil and gas companies and industry-friendly think tanks started sowing doubt about climate science. Over the decades, as the evidence became rock-solid, those who opposed reducing the use of fossil fuels gradually shifted from outright denying the facts to attacking solutions like wind and solar power. What the Trump administration is doing now marks a radical break from this long-term trend, said John Cook, a climate misinformation researcher at the University of Melbourne in Australia. 'This is a 180, not just a turn, but diving into something we've never even seen before,' he said. On the other hand, Cook said, the administration is taking a classic climate denial tactic — painting scientists as 'alarmists' or conspirators who can't be trusted — and turning it into government policy. Half a year in, the second Trump administration's treatment of climate information hasn't yet reached the 'eradication' levels that Project 2025 aspired to, at least on government websites. The EPA's climate change website, for instance, is still up and running, even though all references to the phenomenon were erased on the agency's home page. Most of the website deletions so far have served to isolate climate change as an issue, erasing its relationship to topics such as health and infrastructure, Gehrke said. Up until the National Climate Assessments disappeared, she would have said that 'climate erasure' was an inappropriate characterization of what's happening. 'But now, I'm really not so sure,' she said.

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