
QUENTIN LETTS: The more Napoleon burbled on, the more you understood why his wife whacked him
The French president marked the end of his state visit to Britain with a news conference at Northwood military HQ, Herts. At his side stood Sir Keir Starmer, playing the role of spare part. The nasal knight has seldom looked so potatoey.
All eyes were on Napoleon, which is just how he likes it. He was dressed in a waistcoat – odd for such a hot day – and his hairdo had been tweezered to the left, presumably to disguise a bald spot. Unless a patch of fur had been ripped out by Brigitte.
He kept tilting his head to make sure we could admire his long sideburns. A good inch longer than Sir Keir's, they were.
The rough format was as follows: our old pudding gave stubby answers, biting on his lower lip and telling us what a 'serious' fellow he was. Sir Keir's voice becomes plainer by the week. What a lustreless blob he is. He kept looking over to Macron in affection or envy.
Then the floor was given to the mighty midget, his blue eyes suddenly dazzling like BMW headlights. Off he went, juddering his chin in an imperious manner, shoulders twitching a little as he was energised by the attention.
These answers, as long as speeches in a Racine tragedy, were relayed by a simultaneous translation chap who sounded less like a Man of Destiny and more like an accountant from Penge.
Macron was burbling forth about the European pillars of Nato, pragmatic roadmaps, the wickedness of demagoguery and so forth, while Brian the translator, or whatever his name was, made it sound wonderfully mundane. M Macron hogged the airtime. He was elliptical, which is to say incomprehensible, his answers full of abstract concepts. But one thing became clear: he was obsessed with Brexit.
The longer the press conference lasted, the more he attacked Brexit, each time with greater vigour, almost until one of his eyelids started quivering and a tic developed in his cheeks, Herbert Lom-style.
He raged that Brexit had made everything worse. Brexit had been ruinous to trade. Quite how that tallied with his boast that Anglo-French trade was now higher than it was when we were in the European Union, it was hard to say. On small boats and illegal immigration, 'the British people were sold a lie that Europe was the trouble!'
And yet, and yet, Belgium has been rather brilliant at stopping small boats. Much better than France.
Maybe the problem with the small-boats crisis has not been 'Europe' but 'Macron' – and all because our bolt for freedom left him with fewer opportunities to meddle in our affairs.
Questions from the media were opened by our own Monsieur Chatty, ITV's Robert Peston, a man whose bulletin intros and upsums can be divided into several chapters, complete with index and footnotes. This time, in fact, he did rather well, and even spoke French, noting that France had pocketed '700 million livres' of our money to do beggar all about stopping those inflatables.
Peston also observed that M Macron and Sir Keir were members of 'a slightly beleaguered class of centrist leaders' and he wondered if they were exchanging tips on how to survive.
This was intended as a playful remark but they both became distinctly huffy about it. Sir Keir pushed out a pouty lip and complained that it was 'really important to show that social democracy has the answers'.
As for Macron, he flew into an impenetrable riff about how his political philosophy was based on science rather than things such as… Just as he was going to say the B word, a male orderly stepped in, jabbed him in the derriere with a large sedative and sewed him into a white straitjacket, to be flown back to his home country where he is such an overwhelming failure.
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


Daily Mail
9 minutes ago
- Daily Mail
Donald Trump claims Jaguar Land Rover is in 'absolute turmoil' after 'totally disastrous woke' rebrand
Donald Trump has claimed Jaguar Land Rover is in 'absolute turmoil' after the company's 'totally disastrous woke ' rebrand. The US President labelled the British car maker's recent advert, which featured brightly dressed models, as a 'total disaster' and 'stupid'. Trump was scathing of Jaguar as he compared the firm's fortunes to those of clothing brand American Eagle in a rant on his social media platform Truth Social. ' Sydney Sweeney, a registered Republican, has the "HOTTEST" ad out there. It's for American Eagle, and the jeans are "flying off the shelves",' he wrote. 'Go get 'em Sydney! On the other side of the ledger, Jaguar did a stupid, and seriously WOKE advertisement, THAT IS A TOTAL DISASTER! The CEO just resigned, and the company is in absolute turmoil. 'Who wants to buy a Jaguar after looking at that disgraceful ad. Shouldn't they have learned a lesson from Bud Lite, which went Woke.' Trump ended the post by saying that 'being woke is losers'. It was announced last week that Jaguar Land Rover CEO Adrian Mardell is to retire at the end of this year. Mardell, 64, has been at the company for more than three decades including the last two years as chief executive during one of the most transformative periods in the firm's recent history. Arguably his biggest involvement has been his role in Jaguar's controversial 'woke' rebrand and shift to an electric-only premium car brand from 2026. Last month JLR said it was axing 500 management roles, which are going as part of a voluntary redundancy programme for managers in the UK. A spokesman said: 'As part of normal business practice, we regularly offer eligible employees the opportunity to leave JLR through limited voluntary redundancy programmes.' Sales of the luxury car manufacturer appear to have nose-dived following its controversial move to scrap its iconic 'growler' big cat logo in November. The firm's rebrand saw it replace the well-known badge in favour of a geometric 'J' design - which lovers of the brand raged looked like the logo on a handbag clasp. And as the firestorm surrounding the famed car maker's change continues to engulf it, sales at Jaguar Europe have plunged a staggering 97.5 per cent. But the British car marque has insisted the reason for the freefall in sales is not because of a lack of support or an image overhaul - but because it has stopped making older models as it focuses on its relaunch with an all-electric offering. Defending the news, the firm said it was 'pointless' to compare figures for 2024 and 2025, as 'Jaguar is not currently on sale in the UK' while it goes through its 'sunset period' of radical change. A spokeswoman for Jaguar Land Rover (JLR) said: 'Jaguar's transformation towards a new portfolio of pure-electric vehicles was announced as part of the Reimagine strategy in 2021. JLR always envisaged a period when the current range would "no longer be on sale" before the introduction of the new Jaguar collection. 'Production of XE, XF, F-TYPE, I-PACE and E-PACE all came to an end in 2024 as part of that transition. This strategic "sunset" of the product range is going to plan and will allow Jaguar to transform and reposition the brand for the future. 'Comparing Jaguar sales to 2024 is pointless as we are no longer producing vehicles in 2025 with low levels of retail inventory available. Jaguar's rebranding is not related to a sales decline.' Jaguar has not announced an official date for when its new fleet of high-end electric motors will hit the forecourt. It stopped sales of current Jaguars on November 11 as it prepared for its next generation of luxury vehicles to arrive. Defending the campaign late last year, JLR's Managing Director Rawdon Glover told the Financial Times: 'If we play in the same way that everybody else does, we'll just get drowned out.'


The Guardian
9 minutes ago
- The Guardian
Dame Stella Rimington obituary
Stella Rimington, who has died aged 90, was the first head of the Security Service, commonly known as MI5, to be officially identified. She was also the first woman to head the agency, one that had been deeply infused with male culture. Asked what attracted her to MI5, she told me: 'Even though there were all of these tweedy guys with pipes, I still thought the essence of the cold war and spies and stuff was fun. You know, going around listening to people's telephones and opening their mail and stuff.' Rising to the top of MI5 after heading the agency's counter-subversion, counter-espionage, and counter-terrorism divisions was an achievement consolidating her reputation as a formidable Whitehall streetfighter, manifested not least by her success in wrenching from the police Special Branch its historical lead role countering Irish Republican terrorism in mainland Britain. Soon after she retired, she was embroiled in a furious row with her former Whitehall colleagues over her decision to write her memoirs. 'It was quite upsetting,' she said, 'because suddenly you go from being an insider to being an outsider and that's quite a shock.' But, she added: 'I've never been one to retreat at the first whiff of gunshot.' Her most controversial role as she rose up the ranks of MI5 was responsibility for countering 'subversion'. She was active during the miners' strike during the mid-1980s, and justified spying on the leadership of the National Union of Mineworkers (NUM) on the grounds that Margaret Thatcher regarded it as 'the enemy within'. She said: 'If the strike is led by people who say they are trying to bring down the government, our role [is] to assess [them].' She chose her words carefully in an interview with the Guardian, denying that MI5 itself ran agents in the NUM, adding: 'That's not to say the police or police Special Branch … might have been doing some of those things …' The Special Branch reported to MI5 while GCHQ was providing MI5 and the police with technical help for bugging operations. Rimington also justified targeting and keeping files on civil liberty campaigners, protest groups and MPs, on the grounds that while not all their members were regarded as subversives, some of their contacts, colleagues, and friends were. Targets included the Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament – one of its organisers had been a member of the Communist party – the National Council for Civil Liberties (now Liberty) and two of its senior officials, Patricia Hewitt and Harriet Harman, and Jack Straw, former president of the National Union of Students. All became Labour cabinet ministers. Rimington admitted MI5 checked files on prospective MPs to see if 'there is anything in there of importance ... so the prime minister can take it into account when he forms his government'. She insisted that individuals on whom MI5 had files should not be allowed to see them. She later acknowledged that during the cold war MI5 was 'overenthusiastic', opening files on people who were not 'actively threatening the state'. She also went as far as to accuse successive governments of wanting to 'live in a police state', introducing more and more anti-terrorism laws, including plans to hold terror suspects for 42 hours without charge. Such laws, she said, combined with 'war on terror' rhetoric, played into the hands of those they intended to deter. She described the response to the 9/11 attacks on the US in 2001 as a 'huge overreaction'. Looking back, she said: 'I suppose I'd lived with terrorist events for a good part of my working life and this was, as far as I was concerned, another one.' Asked what impact the 2003 invasion of Iraq had on the terrorist threat, she replied: 'Well, I think all one can do is look at what those people who've been arrested or have left suicide videos say about their motivation. And most of them, as far as I'm aware, say that the war in Iraq played a significant part in persuading them that this is the right course of action to take.' She was born Stella Whitehouse in south London; her father was a draughtsman, her mother a midwife and nurse. Her father had fought at Passchendaele in the first world war. 'He was never able to relax after that, a very uneasy soul, difficult to get close to,' she recalled. He worked in the steel industry in Barrow and then in the Derbyshire-Nottinghamshire borders. 'Unfortunately, when we moved out of London, we always seemed to move to places that were priorities for German bombing,' she said, describing her childhood as 'disturbed and frightening … I was four when we left London as the second world war broke out … as the Barrow blitz commenced: hiding under the stairs, windows were blown out and ceilings fell down … Claustrophobia plagued me into adulthood. I struggled to sit in the middle of rows and always stood by the door on the underground. At all times I needed an exit route.' Educated at Nottingham high school, Stella studied English at Edinburgh University, then archive administration at Liverpool University. Her first job was as an assistant archivist in Worcestershire county council's record office. In 1963 she married John Rimington, her childhood boyfriend, who became a high-flying civil servant, and was posted to the British high commission in Delhi responsible for economic and trade relations with India. It was there that, in 1965, she 'fell into intelligence', as she later put it. She was approached by the resident MI5 officer who offered her a job as a typist. 'I was holding coffee mornings and the like … I was grateful for an end to the boredom,' she said. She joined the staff of MI5 in 1969 after the couple returned to Britain. In a colourful passage in her autobiography, to which she gave the provocative title Open Secret, she recounts how she came up against what she described as a 'strict sex-discrimination policy' in MI5. She wrote: 'It did not matter that I had a degree, that I had already worked for several years in the public service, at a higher grade than it was offering, or that I was 34 years old. The policy was that men were recruited as what were called 'officers' and women had their own career structure, a second-class career, as 'assistant officers'. 'They did all sorts of support work, but not the sharp-end intelligence gathering operations.' She vigorously challenged MI5's prevailing culture so successfully that John Major, the then prime minister, approved her appointment as director general – head of the agency – in 1992. After she retired in 1996, she became the target of bitter attacks by Whitehall mandarins and the SAS for daring to write her autobiography. In a ferocious diatribe, David Lyon, colonel commandant of the SAS, wrote in a letter to the Times: 'All members of the country's security forces should keep silent about their work, for life. When there is a requirement to publish, it is the government alone who should do so.' Rimington, he added, could expect 'a long period of being persona non grata, both to many she has worked with and many she has yet to meet among the general public'. She said she received a 'bollocking' from the cabinet secretary, Richard Wilson, and was told to remove any reference to the SAS despite widespread media coverage of their operations, including the well-documented killing of three unarmed members of the IRA in Gibraltar. In an attempt to sabotage her memoir, a copy of the manuscript was leaked to the Sun newspaper. The woman who had spent years deploying the secret state described the process of vetting her memoir as 'Kafkaesque', an experience that, she said, led her to understand 'how persecuted you can feel when things are going on that you don't actually have any control over'. Rimington said she decided to write her memoir to explain to her daughters, Sophie and Harriet, why she was never around as a mother. She separated from her husband when the children were young, but divorce 'seemed a faff' as she put it. They became friendly in old age and lived together during lockdown. 'It's a good recipe for marriage,' she said looking back. 'Split up, live separately, and return to it later.' After completing her memoir she turned to fiction, writing thrillers starring Liz Carlyle, a female agent sometimes referred to as her alter ego, and later Manon Tyler, a CIA agent. In 2011 she chaired the Booker prize panel, when she provoked a controversy by saying 'readability' and an ability to 'zip along' were important criteria for judging books. Literary critics suggested other things such as quality might be taken into account, adding that the shortlist was the worst in decades. Rimington responded by comparing the publishing world with the KGB and its use of 'black propaganda, destabilisation operations, plots and double agents'. Rimington was made Dame Commander of the Order of the Bath in 1996. After she retired she held a number of corporate posts including a directorship of Marks & Spencer, and was chair of the Institute of Cancer Research. She was widely credited as the inspiration for Dame Judi Dench's M in the James Bond films. She is survived by her husband and two daughters. Stella Rimington, intelligence officer, born 13 May 1935; died 3 August 2025


The Independent
an hour ago
- The Independent
Why has Kemi Badenoch fallen out with Liz Truss?
Dearie me, they're at it again. Former Tory leader Liz Truss and current Tory leader Kemi Badenoch are involved in another nasty spat, mainly about the infamous mini-Budget introduced by then Prime Minister Truss in September 2022. Badenoch has invoked that calamitous – and deeply Conservative – fiscal event in an otherwise routine attack on the government. Truss, ever ready to defend her record, because no one else will, has hit back and told Badenoch she's wrong and needs to do some more thinking, a particularly hurtful jibe when Badenoch thinks herself one of the brainier kids in the Westminster playground. Amusing and mildly diverting as it may be, this minor row also tells us some much bigger things about the Tory dilemma. What did Badenoch say? That Labour is even more incompetent than Truss was: 'For all their mocking of Liz Truss, Keir Starmer and Rachel Reeves have not learnt the lessons of the mini-Budget and are making even bigger mistakes. They continue to borrow more and more, unable and unwilling to make the spending cuts needed to balance the books.' Is that new? Not really. Only a few weeks ago, the shadow chancellor, Mel Stride, evicted from ministerial office by Liz Truss when she formed her short-lived government, laid into the mini-Budget and apologised for it. Badenoch, meanwhile, has said she doesn't know whether Truss is still in the Conservative Party, and implied she doesn't really care either way. She's long let it be known she'd prefer Truss to just go quiet for a while. Badenoch has also been disobliging about the Sunak administration 'talking right but acting left'. But Sunak, like Johnson, May and Cameron, has, so far, preferred to ignore the present controversies and policy shifts, such as Badenoch's 'net-zero sceptic' stance. What's the Truss defence? The usual – her supposedly brilliant plan to turbocharge the British economy was thwarted by a terrible econo-bureaucratic blob and those, to the visionary Truss, idiots at the Bank of England. But increasingly she is having to adapt her line because of attacks from her own party (if she is indeed still in it), which means slagging off the administrations that came before her – Cameron, May, Johnson – and after, Sunak and now Badenoch's performance as leader of the opposition: 'It is disappointing that instead of serious thinking like this, Kemi Badenoch is instead repeating spurious narratives. I suspect she is doing this to divert from the real failures of 14 years of Conservative government in which her supporters are particularly implicated.' Er... weren't they both members of these dreadful governments? Yes. Truss continuously from 2012 to her ousting in 2022, and Badenoch from 2019 to 2024. Indeed, it was Truss who promoted Badenoch to the cabinet as international trade secretary. Neither showed much dissent, publicly or privately. Why are they scrapping? Neither wants to take responsibility for their own failures as a party leader, and that can inevitably lead to blame throwing for their disastrous showing at the election, and subsequently. But all politicians in all parties who find themselves thrashed by the voters are faced with this excruciating dilemma as they enter the wilderness of life in opposition: Do they denounce the record and policies of the government they were apparently happy to be a part of? Or do they defend their record instead? Do they agree with the voters' verdict or not? And if they want to, or have to, admit 'mistakes', are they going to be big or smaller ones? How to play it? By ear – there are no hard rules. Back in the 1970s, Margaret Thatcher, as leader of the opposition, did well out of renouncing most of what the Heath government had done because it ended in such chaos, and Thatcher was (like Badenoch today) a relatively junior cabinet member who could claim some innocence. In due course, because public opinion had shifted during the Blair years, David Cameron found that he'd have to criticise Thatcher herself, so he declared that 'there is such a thing as society' and told his fractious party to 'stop banging on about Europe'. Ed Miliband, after Labour's defeat in 2010, never seemed able to make up his mind about whether the Brown administration (in which he served) had failed, and, if so, how and why. Try as he might, Nick Clegg could never grovel sufficiently for what he did on tuition fees in the coalition government, and the Lib Dems were so punished at the 2015 general election that they were left with eight MPs compared to the 56 elected in 2010. At the moment, the Conservative-led government of 2010 to 2024 has few friends and many critics, the most vociferous being some of its leading lights. In this respect, the party is behaving more like Labour traditionally does after a defeat. Thus, after the 1974-79 Labour government fell from power, it was attacked by the Bennites on the Labour left for being too right-wing, and by the social democrats on the right for being too left-wing. Eventually, the long passage of time made arguments about pay policy, union power and unilateralism irrelevant. One day, when people have forgotten who Truss and Badenoch were, they may be ready to give the Tories a hearing. But, with Farage on their right flank, with no qualms about slagging off the last government, the Conservatives may not have the luxury of time to settle their differences and focus their attacks on him.