
What you need to know about Hong Kong's new premium taxi fleet
The first batch of 3,500 taxis from five fleets offering premium services will begin operating in Hong Kong later this month, with some fares expected to be more expensive than those charged by existing operators and ride-hailing firms.
Advertisement
The government hopes the Joie, SynCab, Amigo, Big Boss and Big Bee fleets will 'bring a new look' to an
industry that has drawn complaints for poor service and refusal to adopt non-cash payments.
The Post compares the five fleets, which will account for nearly 20 per cent of the total number of taxis in the city, in terms of pricing and features.
Secretary for Transport and Logistics Mable Chan (third from right) attends the launch ceremony on Monday. Photo: Dickson Lee
1. Which fleet can I use now? Are fares more expensive?
Joie, a subsidiary of major taxi firm Tai Wo Management, will begin operating this month with 480 taxis. The other four fleets have until the end of July to launch their services.
SynCab started a trial in January with trips to and from border checkpoints, including the airport.
At around 6pm on Tuesday its website showed a prepaid ride in a six-seater Maxus Mifa T electric vehicle from Kwun Tong to West Kowloon station cost HK$163 (US$21).
Advertisement
That was 79 per cent more expensive than the estimated HK$91 fare for a regular taxi booked with FlyTaxi's app. It was also 29 per cent higher than HK$126 for Uber's regular meter taxi order but 12 per cent lower than the HK$186.40 for the priciest Black option.

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


Asia Times
8 hours ago
- Asia Times
Red flags rising over China's trade surplus with Indonesia
Indonesia's widening trade deficit with China has evolved into more than an economic concern—it now poses the risk of becoming a destabilizing fissure within the country's social fabric and, by extension, ASEAN's regional stability. According to Indonesia's Central Statistics Agency (BPS), between January and April 2025, Chinese imports to Indonesia surged to US$25.8 billion, while Indonesian exports to China stagnated at $18.9 billion. The resulting $6.9 billion deficit, the highest recorded in recent history for such a short period, raises already rising concerns about asymmetry in the bilateral trade relationship. Although Indonesian authorities have attempted to downplay its significance by dismissing suggestions that this is due to the redirection of Chinese exports blocked by US and EU tariffs, the underlying realities paint a different picture. The sectors most affected by Chinese imports —namely, mechanical and electrical machinery, steel, automotive parts, and ceramics —are precisely those where China has long faced overcapacity. With Western markets erecting expanding barriers on Chinese goods in response to perceived unfair trade practices, Southeast Asia, particularly Indonesia, has become a convenient outlet for China's surplus industrial products. In effect, Chinese goods that cannot be sold in the US and EU are being channeled into the Indonesian market, either directly or via re-routing strategies through third countries. This dynamic mirrors the 2018–2020 period of the US-China trade war, when Southeast Asia similarly absorbed a disproportionate amount of redirected Chinese exports. Indonesia's manufacturing base has already begun to show signs of strain from the flood of cut-rate Chinese wares. The once-thriving textile sector, exemplified by the now-defunct Sritex conglomerate in Solo, has been unable to keep up with the price competition from cheap Chinese imports. Small and medium-sized manufacturers in ceramics and steel are also increasingly being squeezed by Made in China goods. Though the Indonesian government has responded by levying anti-dumping duties on select products, such as nylon film from China, Thailand and Taiwan, these actions have largely been reactive and insufficient to counteract the scale and pace of Chinese trade redirection. The longer this continues, the more it will undermine local industry, employment and economic self-sufficiency. The economic repercussions are only one layer of the problem. What makes this fissure particularly dangerous is its potential to metastasize into social tension. Indonesia's multi-ethnic composition includes a sizable Chinese-Indonesian minority that has historically been subject to scapegoating during economic downturns. The riots of May 1998, which led to the collapse of the Suharto regime, serve as a chilling reminder of how quickly economic grievances can morph into ethnic-based violence against ethnic Chinese. In the current climate of economic pressure and increasing unemployment—especially among urban manufacturing workers—there is a real risk that the narrative of Chinese imports 'destroying local industry' could morph into resentment directed at Chinese-Indonesian entrepreneurs, many of whom operate in retail, logistics and trade. In an age where social media can amplify divisive messaging in real-time, the potential for misinformation and targeted ethnic vilification should not be underestimated. At the regional level, Indonesia's predicament reflects a broader structural challenge in ASEAN. Countries like Malaysia, Thailand and Vietnam have also experienced spikes in Chinese imports, particularly in sectors like automobiles and electronics. The nature of these imports—often heavily subsidized and arriving in large quantities at prices below prevailing market rates—suggests deliberate Chinese dumping. Yet ASEAN's current mechanisms are ill-equipped to deal with these surges in a coordinated manner. Each country acts on its own, imposing unilateral anti-dumping tariffs or seeking redress through domestic trade tribunals, thereby diminishing the strength of a collective ASEAN-wide economic position. What is needed is not isolationism but a recalibration of engagement. Indonesia and ASEAN must articulate clearer expectations in their trade relationships with China. Fairness, reciprocity and respect for domestic industries must be at the heart of any economic partnership. The notion that Southeast Asia should serve as China's release valve for overproduction is not only economically detrimental but geopolitically short-sighted. It risks turning ASEAN from a central strategic partner into a passive buffer zone—absorbing external shocks without the tools to respond effectively. Equally important is ASEAN's need to revive its own internal trade capacities. The ASEAN Economic Community was envisioned to deepen intra-regional trade and investment, yet the share of intra-ASEAN trade has remained stagnant at around 22–24% over the past decade. This is far below the intra-regional trade levels of the EU, which stands at around 60%. Reducing non-tariff barriers, streamlining customs procedures and improving regional logistics are all urgent if ASEAN is to build internal economic resilience. Greater economic interdependence within ASEAN would not only mitigate vulnerability to external dumping but also foster shared growth that benefits smaller economies equally. For Indonesia, the road ahead demands bold policy interventions. The country must begin by strengthening its industrial strategy—reinvesting in productivity, technological upgrading and workforce development—so that its manufacturing sectors are not merely shielded but revitalized. Trade defense instruments must be improved, not only in terms of speed and scope but also in coordination with ASEAN partners. The government should also launch public education campaigns that preempt the ethnicization of economic issues. The messaging must be clear: this is not a conflict between ethnic groups but a structural issue in global trade dynamics that requires unity, not division. China, for its part, must recognize that sustaining goodwill in Southeast Asia cannot rely solely on infrastructure investment or diplomatic fanfare. It must pay heed to the social consequences of its trade behaviors. Dumping excess production into Indonesia and other ASEAN markets may offer short-term economic relief for Chinese exporters, but it risks breeding long-term resentment, social instability and strategic blowback in a region vital to China's Belt and Road Initiative ambitions. The growing trade imbalance between Indonesia and China is not yet a fracture—but it is undeniably a fissure, one that reveals the fragile interconnections between economic policy, social harmony and geopolitical alignment. Whether this fissure is widened or closed depends on the wisdom and coordination of both Indonesia's domestic leadership and ASEAN's collective diplomacy. To ignore it would be to misread not only the fragility of Indonesia's pluralistic society but also the limits of ASEAN's absorptive capacity. By addressing this issue with fairness, clarity and resolve, Indonesia can lead the region in forging a more balanced relationship with China—one that respects economic sovereignty, sustains regional stability and ultimately preserves the dignity of Southeast Asia's diverse peoples. Phar Kim Beng, PhD, is professor of ASEAN Studies, International Islamic University Malaysia and senior visiting fellow at the University of Cambridge. Luthfy Hamzah is senior research fellow of ASEAN Studies at Strategic Pan Indo Pacific Arena.


HKFP
11 hours ago
- HKFP
Golden Harvest to shutter MegaBox branch – 6th cinema to close in Hong Kong this year
Hong Kong cinema chain Golden Harvest has announced that it will close its branch in the Kowloon Bay shopping mall MegaBox on Monday due to 'the end of the tenancy.' It will be the sixth cinema to shut down in the city this year. In a post shared on Facebook and Instagram on Wednesday, Golden Harvest said GH MegaBox would offer a series of special discounts to audiences and host a 'Classic Mystery Movie Session' on Sunday to mark its final day of operation. IMAX tickets will be sold for HK$40, while selected combos at the concession stands will be priced at HK$40 on Sunday. Anyone who presents a GH MegaBox movie ticket at the snack counters of other Golden Harvest cinemas may enjoy a HK$10 discount on purchases of HK$65 or more between 9 and 30 June. The MegaBox branch, with seven theatres and 852 seats, will be the third Golden Harvest cinema to close this year. Grand Ocean Cinema on Canton Road closed on Monday after operating for more than five decades. Golden Harvest said in its announcement last month that the cinema was a 'landmark' in Tsim Sha Tsui, 'witnessing the passage of time through different eras of film.' In April, the Whampoa branch of Golden Harvest closed after nearly 16 years of operation in the residential area. Golden Harvest said both closures were due to the end of the cinemas' tenancies. Last year, nine local cinemas closed as overall box office receipts in Hong Kong marked the weakest performance since 2011, according to figures compiled by Hong Kong Box Office Limited. Total box office revenue amounted to HK$1.3 billion in 2024 – down 6.2 per cent from 2023, it also said in January. As of Thursday, the Hong Kong Theatres Association's website showed that it had 50 members: 12 on Hong Kong Island, 18 in Kowloon, and 20 in the New Territories, with GH MegaBox still listed as a member.


HKFP
a day ago
- HKFP
US President Trump says deal with Chinese leader Xi ‘extremely hard' as steel tariffs double
Donald Trump said on Wednesday that it was 'extremely hard' to reach a deal with Chinese leader Xi Jinping, but the EU touted progress in its own trade talks with Washington even though the US president doubled global metal tariffs. Trump's latest trade moves came as OECD ministers gathered in Paris to discuss the outlook for the world economy in light of a US hardball approach that has rattled world markets. Trump's sweeping tariffs on allies and adversaries have strained ties with trading partners and sparked a flurry of negotiations to avoid the duties. The White House has suggested the president will speak to Xi this week, raising hopes they can soothe tensions and speed up a trade deal between the world's two biggest economies. However, early Wednesday, Trump appeared to dampen hopes for a quick deal. 'I like President XI of China, always have, and always will, but he is VERY TOUGH, AND EXTREMELY HARD TO MAKE A DEAL WITH!!!' he posted on his Truth Social platform. Asked about the remarks during a regular press briefing, Chinese foreign ministry spokesman Lin Jian said: 'The Chinese side's principles and stance on developing Sino-US relations are consistent.' China was the main target of Trump's April tariff blitz, hit with levies of 145 percent on its goods and triggering tit-for-tat tariffs of 125 percent on US goods. Both sides agreed to temporarily de-escalate in May, after Trump delayed most sweeping measures on other countries until July 9. His latest remarks came hours after he increased his tariffs on aluminum and steel from 25 percent to 50 percent, raising temperatures with various partners while exempting Britain from the higher levy. EU trade commissioner Maros Sefcovic said after talks with US Trade Representative Jamieson Greer on the sidelines of the OECD meeting in Paris that raising the metal tariffs 'doesn't help the negotiations'. The two sides were nonetheless 'making progress' in their negotiations, Sefcovic said at a news conference. Goods from the 27-nation bloc will be hit with 50-percent tariffs on July 9 unless it reaches a deal with Washington. The EU has vowed to retaliate. 'We did very much focus on these negotiations, and I still believe in them,' Sefcovic said, adding that he was optimistic that a 'positive result' could be reached. Steel tariffs The OECD cut its forecast for global economic growth on Tuesday, blaming Trump's tariff blitz for the downgrade. 'We need to come up with negotiated solutions as quickly as possible, because time is running out,' German economy minister Katherina Reiche warned. French trade minister Laurent Saint-Martin said: 'We have to keep our cool and always show that the introduction of these tariffs is in no one's interest.' Canada, the largest supplier of the metals to the United States, has called Trump's tariffs 'illegal and unjustified'. After talks between UK Trade Secretary Jonathan Reynolds and Greer on Tuesday, London said imports from the UK would remain at 25 percent for now. Both sides needed to work out duties and quotas in line with the terms of a recently signed trade pact. 'We're pleased that as a result of our agreement with the US, UK steel will not be subject to these additional tariffs,' a British government spokesperson said. White House wants offers The Group of Seven advanced economies — Britain, Canada, France, Germany, Italy, Japan and the United States — was due to hold separate talks on trade Wednesday. Mexico will request an exemption from the higher tariff, Economy Minister Marcelo Ebrard said, arguing that it was unfair because the United States exports more steel to its southern neighbour than it imports. 'It makes no sense to put a tariff on a product in which you have a surplus,' Ebrard said. Mexico is highly vulnerable to Trump's trade wars because 80 percent of its exports go to the United States, its main partner. While some of Trump's most sweeping levies face legal challenges, they have been allowed to remain in place for now as an appeals process takes place. White House press secretary Karoline Leavitt confirmed Tuesday that the Trump administration sent letters to governments pushing for offers by Wednesday as the July 9 deadline approached.