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Millionaire MTG Deletes Post Begging MAGA to Buy Son a Beer

Millionaire MTG Deletes Post Begging MAGA to Buy Son a Beer

Yahoo06-04-2025

Social media commentators shredded Georgia Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene after she asked her thousands of MAGA followers to buy her son 'a beer' for his birthday on Saturday night.
The far-right MAGA congresswoman tweeted a photo of her with her son, Derek, along with a link to his Venmo account. She captioned the photo: 'It's my baby boy's birthday!! He's 22!!' adding, 'Buy him a beer.'
Users swiftly torpedoed the request as a 'grift' from Greene, whose net worth is estimated at $21.93 million, including her stock portfolio, according to Quiver Quantitative.
'WTF?!? @mtgreenee you have enough money. You can buy your own kids birthday gifts?' one user asked.
Another added, 'Yeah I'm a conservative but there's no way I'm sending a millionaire's adult son money. Especially to buy beer.'
Piling on, another commentator rebuked her tweet as a money grab: 'Just when you think you've seen all types and forms of drifting … MTG switches things up with requesting you buy cold ones for her kid!' they wrote.
Amid the backlash, Green quietly removed the post, which prompted more commentators to take notice.
'She is pure trash,' commented another X user about the deleted tweet.
On top of Greene's net worth, the Daily Mail reported that the congresswoman also made several strategic trades just before President Trump's big tariff announcement sent markets tumbling.
According to Capitol Trades, which tracks the investments of politicians, Greene spent $300,000 and $750,000 in Treasuries.

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How Poland's new President could change Europe — and America
How Poland's new President could change Europe — and America

New York Post

time32 minutes ago

  • New York Post

How Poland's new President could change Europe — and America

'We won!' announced Rafał Trzaskowski to an ecstatic crowd of supporters. It was just after 9 p.m. this past Sunday, and the exit polls had declared the dashing mayor of Warsaw the winner of Poland's hard-fought, high-stakes presidential race. Trzaskowski's rival, Karol Nawrocki, is a conservative historian with a past that would make notorious 'Red Scare'-era Washington lawyer Roy Cohn proud. Weeks before the election, President Trump had invited Nawrocki to the Oval Office and blessed him. Then, just days before the vote, his homeland secretary, Kristi Noem, traveled to Poland to deliver a florid endorsement of his candidacy. 9 In early May, Karol Nawrocki met with Pres. Trump in the Oval Office, weeks before the conservative upstart was elected President of Poland in a move that affirmed Trump's transatlantic political potency, while dealing a blow to liberal-minded European integrationism. White House European mandarins who had watched the Trumpian encroachment with impotent rage welcomed Trzaskowski's triumph as a much-needed middle-finger to MAGA. Their exultation, alas, was premature. Two hours after Trzaskowski's proclamation of victory came a more comprehensive poll that put his opponent ahead in the count. As the hours passed, his numbers rose. And by 1 a.m. this past Monday, it was clear that Trzaskowski had lost and Nawrocki — the Trump proxy — was on course to become the next president of what is unquestionably the most successful post-Cold War country in Europe. The Polish presidency, though largely ornamental, matters because it is endowed with the power to paralyze the government. But the outcome of Sunday's election is more than a domestic triumph for Nawrocki and the populist-conservative Law and Justice (PiS) party that backed him; it has serious implications for Europe and the transatlantic relationship. To grasp its significance, consider Poland's astounding transformation over the past quarter century. 9 Rafal Trzaskowski , the Mayor of Warsaw and former candidate for the Polish presidency walking in a Warsaw Pride LGBT Pride March in 2021. Such bold-face political gestures are part of the reason Trzaskowski lost to his more tradition-minded challenger. Getty Images Just over two decades ago, when Poland joined the European Union, it was a grim place that belched out emigrants and workers. Warsaw was a drab reliquary of communist architecture whose centerpiece was a Stalinist tower. Today, Poland's GDP is approaching $1 trillion. The living standards of its people are the envy of the world. Its army is larger than the armed forces of Britain or France. Central Warsaw is clustered with glass-clad skyscrapers. Those who emigrated abroad in search of opportunity are gradually returning home. Poles who value the EU's role in their nation's modernization view Nawrocki as a peril to Poland's democratic gains and European alignment. When the PiS party was in power, between 2015 and 2023, it tightened Poland's already severe abortion laws, packed the constitutional tribunal with loyalists, drifted toward 'legal exit' from Europe and invited retaliatory sanctions from Brussels. 9 Map of Poland and surrounding countries. Mike Guillen/NY Post Design PiS was supplanted in the 2023 elections by a motley coalition led by Civic Platform, which has since been locked in a stalemate with the incumbent president, Andrzej Duda, also of PiS. A Trzaskowski triumph would have unshackled the more liberal-minded Civic Platform to pursue its legislative agenda, including the legalization of same-sex unions. Nawrocki's win has thwarted this prospect. Much like in MAGA-world, Nawrocki presents himself as a 'family-first' conservative for whom marriage is 'a union between a man and a woman.' Is he a danger to minorities? 'Nawrocki holds strong political views, but he is certainly not an extremist,' explains Mikołaj Wild, an erstwhile high-ranking official in the prime minister's office and one of Poland's most respected civil servants. 'He represents the views of the majority of Poles, which may appear radically conservative in some other European countries.' 9 Karol Nawrocki and his family react to the release of election results last week. Nawrocki's win came as a surprise following initial indications that he had been defeated by his more liberal-minded challenger. REUTERS Nawrocki is not so much an aberration in Poland as a product of a politics torn by clashing visions of identity. Poland's success has reactivated religious, cultural and national impulses that had long been dormant. Flush with an economy their grandparents could scarcely dream of, Poles now fight over what it means to be Polish and European, Christian and modern. The presidential race has shown just how deep these divisions run. The loser, Trzaskowski, is a Polish hybrid of Adlai Stevenson and John Kerry: A polished career politician who speaks half a dozen languages, he is well-meaning, well-bred, liberal, competent and admired in Brussels. He is also way more progressive. As Warsaw's mayor, he didn't stop at marching in Pride parades. He also ordered the removal of Christian crosses from government buildings — an overreach that, while earning him the adulation of Poles in the big cities, infuriated conservatives in the hinterlands who see their history as being inextricably bound up with the Catholic Church. 9 Nawrocki met with Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem, in Rzeszow, Poland in late May — another endorsement from MAGA world. via REUTERS And their champion is Nawrocki. He was born into poverty in the port city of Gdansk. Ports, particularly in destitute places, draw organized crime, and Nawrocki was exposed to this world at an early age. He sought purpose in athletics, became a boxer and occasionally participated in football brawls. Working as a security guard at a hotel, he is alleged to have procured prostitutes for guests. This is not the curriculum vitae of a defender of Christian values. Nawrocki, however, became a beneficiary of a deepening resentment among Poles who — believing their social values were being eroded and their sovereignty endangered by liberal elites pandering to Brussels — were willing to overlook supposed defects in his character in favor of his commitment to put 'Poland first.' He spoke for a people who, as Wild puts it, 'are conservative and disagree with the socially progressive agenda of Rafał Trzaskowski.' This attitude is particularly strong in places such as Radom. An hour's train ride from Warsaw, Radom was once a proud center of Polish political life. Today, it is an object of mockery in the cities, 'a national joke,' as a filmmaker in Warsaw called it. Its people are dismissed as gauche and gaudy. 9 'Nawrocki holds strong political views, but he is certainly not an extremist,' explains Polish politician Mikołaj Wild. Wikipedia Radom voters I met seemed fed up with the condescension that comes their way. The owner of a café and bar there told me that nowhere else in Poland or Europe did she feel the same sense of community. Radom has a great deal in common with Rust Belt America. And what galls its people — like in the US — is the knowledge that so many of their own compatriots view them as inferior beings when they see themselves as a repository of so much that is worth preserving about their country. 'A lot of Poles in the cities want to be British, French, or Italian,' one Radom resident told me. 'We are proud to be Polish.' He was for Nawrocki. Trzaskowski, for all his liberal theatricality, proved disconcertingly flexible in the final days of the campaign as he attempted to court Nawrocki's voters by speaking their language. Rather than win them over, however, his flip-flopping alienated his own voters. 'Poles saw through the hypocrisy,' says 29-year-old entrepreneur Filip Krzewski. 9 'Poles saw through the hypocrisy' of the campaign's political flip-flopping, says 29-year-old entrepreneur Filip Krzewski. Courtesy of Filip Krzewski Nawrocki profited too from a growing frustration with Ukraine in a nation that is still intensely hostile to Moscow. Since Russia's invasion of 2022, Poland has sheltered more than a million Ukrainian refugees. It has granted them the same privileges as Polish nationals. Three years on, there is a tincture of outrage among Poles. As one Warsaw banker complained to me: 'Some of them drive Lamborghinis, but what are they contributing to Poland?' As a nationalist historian Nawrocki is alert to Poland's unresolved history with Ukraine. But he is emphatically not pro-Russian. In fact, he is on a list of wanted men in Russia for ordering the demolition of Red Army monuments in Poland. He has, however, refused to endorse Kyiv's admission into NATO in a departure from PiS's earlier position. And his pledge not to send Polish soldiers to fight in Ukraine has worked to his advantage. 'One million Ukrainian men have fled Ukraine,' a student at Warsaw University told me. 'Why should we go and fight for them?' Nawrocki's win is a gain for Trump's 'peace plan.' 9 The glass-and-steel skyscrapers dotting central Warsaw reflect Poland's almost miraculous economic expansion. FilipWarulik – Domestically, Nawrocki's victory cements PiS's chokehold on Poland's governance. His great luck as he takes office is the unwieldy nature of the government itself. Poland's ruling coalition is a brittle alliance of ideological antagonists led by Prime Minister Donald Tusk. Barring a miracle, Nawrocki will almost certainly obstruct legislation. Polish democracy is alive. Its health, however, depends on its democratically elected leaders' ability to work together. Abroad, Nawrocki's Euroscepticism, combined with his alignment with Trump against EU integration, is certain to impair relations with Brussels. His posture toward Ukraine could strain NATO's eastern flank and push more responsibility onto Western European states—though, to be sure, Poland's NATO and EU commitments should limit the extent of any drastic shift. And his election, reviving the MAGA movement following the demoralizing defeat of Trumpist candidates in Romania, Australia, Germany and Canada, will also revitalize populist movements across the continent and beyond. Trump has already heaped praise upon himself for Nawrocki's victory. 'TRUMP ALLY WINS IN POLAND, SHOCKING ALL EUROPE,' he posted on Truth Social after the result. 9 The Old Market Square in Radom, a town still struggling to catch up, but whose residents are traditional, proud, strongly Catholic and decidedly Poland-first in thinking. Sebastian – Going forward, Warsaw's relationship with Washington — a nonpartisan concern until now — looks destined to degenerate into a partisan sport. Democrats will console Tusk; MAGA luminaries already see Nawrocki as a missionary of their brand of nationalism. And what of Trump, who has long nursed his own grievances against Europe's political masters in Paris, London and Brussels? Well, he has just become equipped with a powerful weapon to wield against them for his entertainment.

Democrats are busy bashing themselves. Is it needed, or just needy?
Democrats are busy bashing themselves. Is it needed, or just needy?

Los Angeles Times

time3 hours ago

  • Los Angeles Times

Democrats are busy bashing themselves. Is it needed, or just needy?

To hear Republicans tell it, California is a failed state and Donald Trump won the presidency in a landslide that gives him a mandate to do as he pleases. No surprise there. But more and more, Democrats are echoing those talking points. Ever since Kamala Harris lost the election, the Democratic Party has been on a nationwide self-flagellation tour. One after another, its leaders have stuck their heads deep into their navels, hoping to find out why so many Americans — especially young people, Black voters and Latinos — shunned the former vice president. Even in California, a reliably blue state, the soul-searching has been extreme, as seen at last weekend's state Democratic Party convention, where a parade of speakers — including Harris' 2024 running mate, Tim Walz — wailed and moaned and did the woe-is-us-thing. Is it long-overdue introspection, or just annoying self-pity? Our columnists Anita Chabria and Mark Z. Barabak hash it out. Chabria: Mark, you were at the convention in Anaheim. Thoughts? Barabak: I'll start by noting this is the first convention I've attended — and I've been to dozens — rated 'R' for adult language. Apparently, Democrats think by dropping a lot of f-bombs they can demonstrate to voters their authenticity and passion. But it seemed kind of stagy and, after a while, grew tiresome. I've covered Nancy Pelosi for more than three decades and never once heard her utter a curse word, in public or private. I don't recall Martin Luther King Jr., saying, 'I have a [expletive deleted] dream.' Both were pretty darned effective leaders. Democrats have a lot of work to do. But cursing a blue streak isn't going to win them back the White House or control of Congress. Chabria: As someone known to routinely curse in polite society, I'm not one to judge an expletive. But that cussing and fussing brings up a larger point: Democrats are desperate to prove how serious and passionate they are about fixing themselves. Gov. Gavin Newsom has called the Democratic brand 'toxic.' Walz told his fellow Dems: 'We're in this mess because some of it's our own doing.' It seems like across the country, the one thing Democrats can agree on is that they are lame. Or at least, they see themselves as lame. I'm not sure the average person finds Democratic ideals such as equality or due process quite so off-putting, especially as Trump and his MAGA brigade move forward on the many campaign promises — deportations, rollbacks of civil rights, stripping the names of civil rights icons off ships — that at least some voters believed were more talk than substance. I always tell my kids to be their own hero, and I'm starting to think the Democrats need to hear that. Pick yourself up. Dust yourself off. Move on. Do you think all this self-reproach is useful, Mark? Does Harris' loss really mean the party is bereft of value or values? Barabak: I think self-reflection is good for the party, to a point. Democrats suffered a soul-crushing loss in November — at the presidential level and in the Senate, where the GOP seized control — and they did so in part because many of their traditional voters stayed home. It would be political malpractice not to figure out why. That said, there is a tendency to go overboard and over-interpret the long-term significance of any one election. This is not the end of the Democratic Party. It's not even the first time one of the two major parties has been cast into the political wilderness. Democrats went through similar soul-searching after presidential losses in 1984 and 1988. In 1991, a book was published explaining how Democrats were again destined to lose the White House and suggesting they would do so for the foreseeable future. In November 1992, Bill Clinton was elected president. Four years later, he romped to reelection. In 2013, after two straight losing presidential campaigns, Republicans commissioned a political autopsy that, among other recommendations, urged the party to increase its outreach to gay and Latino voters. In 2016, Donald Trump — not exactly a model of inclusion — was elected. Here, by the way, is how The Times wrote up that postmortem: 'A smug, uncaring, ideologically rigid national Republican Party is turning off the majority of American voters, with stale policies that have changed little in 30 years and an image that alienates minorities and the young, according to an internal GOP study.' Sound familar? So, sure, look inward. But spare us the existential freakout. Chabria: I would also argue that this moment is about more than the next election. I do think there are questions about if democracy will make it that long, and if so, if the next round at the polls will be a free and fair one. I know the price of everything continues to rise, and conventional wisdom is that it's all about the economy. But Democrats seem stuck in election politics as usual. These however, are unusual times that call for something more. There are a lot of folks who don't like to see their neighbors, family or friends rounded up by Immigration and Customs Enforcement agents in masks; a lot of people who don't want to see Medicaid cut for millions, with Medicare likely to be on the chopping block next; a lot of people who are afraid our courts won't hold the line until the midterms. They want to know Democrats are fighting to protect these things, not fighting each other. I agree with you that any loss should be followed by introspection. But also, there's a hunger for leadership in opposition to this administration, and the Democrats are losing an opportunity to be those leaders with their endless self-immolation. Did Harris really lose that bad? Did Trump really receive a mandate to end America as we know it? Barabak: No, and no. I mean, a loss is a loss. Trump swept all seven battleground states and the election result was beyond dispute unlike, say, 2000. But Trump's margin over Harris in the popular vote was just 1.5% — which is far from landslide territory — and he didn't even win a majority of support, falling just shy of 50%. As for a supposed mandate, the most pithy and perceptive post-election analysis I read came from the American Enterprise Institute's Yuval Levin, who noted Trump's victory marked the third presidential campaign in a row in which the incumbent party lost — something not seen since the 19th century. Challengers 'win elections because their opponents were unpopular,' Levin wrote, 'and then — imagining the public has endorsed their party activists' agenda — they use the power of their office to make themselves unpopular.' It's a long way to 2026, and an even longer way to 2028. But Levin is sure looking smart. Chabria: I know Kamala-bashing is popular right now, but I'd argue that Harris wasn't resoundingly unpopular — just unpopular enough, with some. Harris had 107 days to campaign. Many candidates spend years running for the White House, and much longer if you count the coy 'maybe' period. She was unknown to most Americans, faced double discrimination from race and gender, and (to be fair) has never been considered wildly charismatic. So to nearly split the popular vote with all that baggage is notable. But maybe Elon Musk said it best. As part of his messy breakup with Trump, the billionaire tweeted, 'Without me, Trump would have lost the election, Dems would control the House and the Republicans would be 51-49 in the Senate.' Sometimes there's truth in anger. Musk's money influenced this election, and probably tipped it to Trump in at least one battleground state. Any postmortem needs to examine not just the message, but also the medium. Is it what Democrats are saying that isn't resonating, or is it that right-wing oligarchs are dominating communication? Barabak: Chabria: Mark? Barabak: Sorry. I was so caught up in the spectacle of the world's richest man going all neener-neener with the world's most powerful man I lost track of where we were. With all due respect to Marshall McLuhan, I think Democrats need first off to figure out a message to carry them through the 2026 midterms. They were quite successful in 2018 pushing back on GOP efforts to dismantle the Affordable Care Act, or Obamacare, if you prefer. It's not hard to see them resurrecting that playbook if Republicans take a meat-ax to Medicare and millions of Americans lose their healthcare coverage. Then, come 2028, they'll pick a presidential nominee and have their messenger, who can then focus on the medium — TV, radio, podcasts, TikTok, Bluesky or whatever else is in political fashion at the moment. Now, excuse me while I return my sights to the sandbox.

Petty Trump Is Taking All of ‘Elon's Friends' in Bitter Divorce
Petty Trump Is Taking All of ‘Elon's Friends' in Bitter Divorce

Yahoo

time9 hours ago

  • Yahoo

Petty Trump Is Taking All of ‘Elon's Friends' in Bitter Divorce

President Donald Trump is reportedly dragging his entire MAGA friend group into his war with Elon Musk—and forcing them to choose sides. Rolling Stone reported that Trump administration officials have launched a Cold War to freeze Musk out of MAGA social circles on the heels of his very public falling with Trump. 'We are taking away Elon's friends,' a senior Trump administration official told Rolling Stone. 'If he wants them back, he will need to kiss Donald Trump's a-- harder than he's ever kissed anybody's a-- before in his entire life.' The official added, 'Even then, it's not a given he gets to come back from this.' Musk has reportedly become a pariah since he went scorched Earth on Trump and alleged that the president's ties to sex offender Jeffrey Epstein are the reason why the 'Epstein files' haven't been released. 'Time to drop the really big bomb,' Musk said in a since-deleted tweet. '@realDonaldTrump is in the Epstein files. That is the real reason they have not been made public.' In response, another source told Rolling Stone that White House staff have been making calls to big donors and high-profile allies to reaffirm their loyalty. 'What some people don't understand about Trump is that he is a very gregarious person. But when he needs to be the boss, he can switch to that mode pretty quickly,' said pastor and Trump adviser Darrell C. Scott, who has assisted the president on affairs since 2016. He added, 'I don't think Elon was able to deal with that… Now he's probably got a lot of people in his ear about this right now. All I've done since this all blew up on Thursday so far is send him a text, telling him: 'Be encouraged.'' Scott said he is Team Trump 'all the way.' He added, 'He is my friend and he's my president.'

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