S Sudan oppn says V-P's arrest ends peace deal
A convoy of 20 heavily armed vehicles entered Machar's residence in the capital, Juba, late on Wednesday and arrested him, according to a statement issued by a member of his party -- a dramatic escalation of a conflict that has been building for weeks in the world's youngest country.
A power-sharing deal between Kiir and Machar has been gradually unravelling, threatening a return of the civil war that killed around 400,000 people between 2013 and 2018. "With the arrest and detention of Dr Riek Machar Teny, the R-ARCSS 2018 has been abrogated," said Oyet Nathaniel Pierino, deputy chairman of Machar's party, using a technical term for the peace deal.
"The prospect for peace and stability in South Sudan has now been put into serious jeopardy," he added.
There was widespread international condemnation, including from the United Nations Mission in South Sudan (UNMISS), warning that the reported arrest left the country "on the brink of relapsing into widespread conflict".
Juba was calm early on Thursday, with businesses open and people on the streets, a journalist said.
But there was a heavy military presence around Machar's home, which is located just metres from the president's home, including a tank.
The population is deeply worried about what might come next, civil society leader Edmund Yakani said. "The public are in a panic," he said.
"There is a high chance of full-scale war but it will be more deadly and more violent because of (the need) for revenge," he added.
The US State Department on Thursday called on Kiir to "reverse this action and prevent further escalation" in a post on X.
And the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD), a bloc of East African countries, called on the parties to exercise "maximum restraint, prioritise dialogue and resolve differences through inclusive and peaceful means".
South Sudan -- which declared independence from Sudan in 2011 -- has remained plagued by poverty and insecurity since the peace deal in 2018.
Analysts say an ageing Kiir, 73, has been seeking to ensure his succession and sideline Machar politically for months through cabinet reshuffles.
More than 20 of Machar's political and military allies in the unity government and army have also been arrested since February, many held incommunicado.
Machar's party says three of its military bases around Juba have been attacked by government forces since Monday.
The training centres were established to prepare opposition forces for integration into the unified army -- a key provision of the 2018 peace agreement aimed at uniting government and opposition troops.
None of the incidents have been confirmed by the Kiir-aligned army, the South Sudan People's Defence Forces (SSPDF), although it accused Machar's forces of aggressive manoeuvres from one of the bases on Monday.
Prior to Machar's arrest, Kiir said he reaffirmed his "unwavering commitment to restoring peace" following a meeting with church leaders.
It follows weeks of violent clashes, particularly in Nasir County, where government forces loyal to the president have battled the so-called White Army, a militia with ties to Machar. - AFP
Hashtags
Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
Times of Oman
6 days ago
- Times of Oman
US accuses Germany of 'human rights issues' in new report
Washington: Human rights, such as freedom of expression, are under threat in Germany and other European countries, according to the 2024 Human Rights Report by the US State Department. The report, which in former years has been seen as a reliable point of reference for global human rights advocacy, has been criticized by human rights groups as containing numerous omissions and mischaracterisations to fit the current US administration's political aims. What did the report say about Germany? "The human rights situation in Germany worsened during the year," an executive summary of the report's Germany entry said. "Significant human rights issues included restrictions on freedom of expression and credible reports of crimes, violence, or threats of violence motivated by antisemitism," the report said. The report stated, however, that the German government "took some credible steps to investigate, prosecute, and punish officials who committed human rights abuses." The report follows on from comments made by US Vice President JD Vance in February, in which he accused Germany and other European allies of imposing restrictions on free speech and attempting to marginalize far-right parties, including the Alternative for Germany (AfD). His remarks have been described as "intrusive" by German Chancellor Friedrich Merz. Kid gloves for Israel, El Salvador The report devotes a much smaller section to Israel than it did last year and fails to mention the severe humanitarian crisis and death toll in the Gaza Strip amid Israel's ongoing offensive against the Palestininian group Hamas. El Salvador, which was described in the 2023 report under the Biden administration as having "significant human rights issues," also got off lightly in 2024. "There were no credible reports of significant human rights abuses," the 2024 report said about the Central American country, whose president, Nayib Bukele, is accused of overseeing unlawful and arbitrary killings, torture and harsh prison conditions. The Trump administration's relations with El Salvador have strengthened in recent months, with Washington using a high-security mega-prison in the country to house migrants it has deported under draconian new migration policies. Russia's ongoing invasion of Ukraine was referred to in the report mainly as the "Russia-Ukraine war," though it did say Russia's forces and officials were reported to have committed war crimes, crimes against humanity and abuses in Ukraine. In contrast, countries such as South Africa and Brazil, with whose governments Trump has clashed, came in for severe criticism that was not contained in the 2023 report. 'Reflective of Soviet propaganda' The report was issued with a delay as officials appointed by US President Donald Trump altered an earlier draft to bring it into line with his administration's foreign policies and ideological slant. It was prepared after the department underwent a major revamp during which hundreds of people were dismissed, many from the agency's Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, which has a large role in writing the report. In April, Secretary of State Marco Rubio wrote in an opinion piece that the bureau had become a nest of "left-wing activists" and pledged that the Trump administration would change its focus in favor of "Western values." "The report demonstrates what happens when political agendas take priority over the facts," said Josh Paul, a former State Department official and director of nongovernmental organization A New Policy. "The outcome is a much-abbreviated product that is more reflective of a Soviet propaganda release than of a democratic system," he told Reuters news agency. Rights groups Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch have also criticized the report, saying the Trump administration had mischaracterised some records of abuses and omitted others to suit its political agenda. State Department spokesperson Tammy Bruce, however, defended the report, saying it had been restructured to improve readability and to stop it from being a list of "politically biased demands and assertions."
Observer
05-08-2025
- Observer
US to require $15,000 bond for some tourists
Washington - The US State Department said Monday some visa applicants will soon be required to pay bonds of up to $15,000 to discourage visa overstays as part of President Donald Trump's crackdown on migration. Starting later this month, the pilot program will require applicants from certain countries to pay a sum of "no less than $5,000" as collateral for the issuance of their visa. The funds will be returned if the applicant complies with all visa terms. If the applicant remains in the United States past the deadline, the funds will be forfeited. "Consular officers may require covered nonimmigrant visa applicants to post a bond of up to $15,000 as a condition of visa issuance," the agency said in a notice to be published Tuesday in the US Federal Register. The 12-month program would only affect foreign nationals from countries considered to have "high visa overstay rates" based on a 2023 Department of Homeland Security report, the notice said. Applicants will also require bond payments from countries "where screening and vetting information is deemed deficient," the notice added, as well as those who were granted citizenship without a residency requirement. "The pilot reinforces the Trump Administration's commitment to enforcing US immigration laws and safeguarding US national security," a State Department spokesperson said in response to an AFP inquiry. Neither the notice nor the spokesperson specified which countries would be impacted by the new rule. The program, which will begin on August 20, will apply to B-1 or B-2 non-immigrant visas, and those asked to pay bonds will have to enter and depart from the United States from a list of pre-selected airports. Since returning to the White House in January, Trump and his administration have cracked down on migration to the United States. The State Department justified the launch of the pilot program by calling it "a key pillar of the Trump Administration's foreign policy to protect the United States from the clear national security threat posed by visa overstays."
Observer
15-07-2025
- Observer
Oman-Zanzibar: A bond rooted in history, purpose
The relationship between Oman and East Africa dates back centuries, shrouded in the mists of time. While the precise origins remain elusive, we know that during the early Islamic period — specifically in the 7th century — Omani princes Suleiman and Said, sons of Abbad bin Abd bin Al Julanda, sought refuge along the East African coast following the Umayyad conquest of Oman. Yet this article does not seek to recount history already well-trodden by scholars, journalists and explorers. Indeed, libraries and online archives brim with pages detailing Oman's ties with East Africa. Instead, I wish to explore what this relationship could and should look like today — particularly with Zanzibar, now a semi-autonomous region of the United Republic of Tanzania, to which many Omanis remain connected through cultural, familial and economic ties. It is important at the outset to affirm a simple but essential point: Zanzibar is an integral part of Tanzania. Any engagement must respect this political reality, lest ambiguities undermine Oman's constructive relations with the Tanzanian state as a whole. Historically, relations between nations have rested on three pillars: mutual interests (by far the most common), ideological alignment (as during the Cold War), or shared moral and human values — such as the promotion of peace, justice and human rights. In today's complex world, especially in the post-Trump era, these foundations are being re-evaluated. For Oman's part, I believe our relationship with Zanzibar and Tanzania should be built on two complementary principles: ethical responsibility and mutual interest — in equal measure. This is not to suggest idealism for its own sake. Oman is among the few countries that still attaches real weight to moral and humanitarian values in its foreign policy. This tradition of diplomacy grounded in principle should be at the forefront of our engagement with Tanzania — not only because it is consistent with our national ethos, but also because it is politically and diplomatically sound. Some may argue that pragmatism demands interests come first. But Oman's connection with Zanzibar is not an ordinary one. It is underpinned by a unique historical legacy — one that calls not only for investment but also for stewardship. To understand why, we must revisit a formative episode in our shared past. In the 1830s, Sultan Said bin Sultan shifted his capital from Muscat to Zanzibar, largely for economic reasons. Under his rule, trade between Oman and East Africa flourished. Zanzibar became a hub of commerce, and Oman's revenues — from customs duties and agricultural exports — soared. Though Muscat, Gwadar and Bandar Abbas also contributed to the national economy, it was East Africa, and Zanzibar in particular, that underpinned Oman's prosperity during this period. When the Sultan died, internal disputes among his heirs over succession led to the fragmentation of the empire. Oman's revenues fell sharply, and this economic downturn destabilised the political and social fabric of the country. Eventually, Sultan Said's sons reached a settlement to divide the empire. As part of the agreement, Zanzibar committed to an annual financial grant of 40,000 Maria Theresa thalers to Oman — a gesture known historically as the 'Zanzibar Subsidy". This subsidy continued for many years and was funded not through external income, but through Zanzibar's own domestic revenues — customs duties, local taxation, and low-wage labour in plantations and ports. This history matters. It is a powerful reminder that Oman's legacy in Zanzibar is not one of exploitation, but of deep economic and human engagement. For that reason, any modern relationship must be rooted in the values of fairness, historical responsibility and shared prosperity. The second pillar, of course, is mutual interest. Oman has already invested significantly in preserving Zanzibar's heritage and supporting its infrastructure. Omani citizens continue to maintain economic ties with the region — in real estate, tourism and other sectors. These efforts should be scaled up and supported by encouraging private investment and charitable engagement through Omani civil society and philanthropic foundations. A deeper, more structured partnership with Zanzibar would also serve to guard against attempts by others to sideline Oman's historical role in the region. To achieve this, Oman should consider launching a long-term, well-governed development initiative with clearly defined short-, medium- and long-term goals. The focus should be on areas that make a tangible difference: basic and vocational education, primary healthcare and public health, affordable housing and critical infrastructure — especially roads, which require urgent improvement in both urban and rural areas. Understandably, concerns may arise regarding Zanzibar's institutional capacity to manage such a programme. These concerns are legitimate and should be addressed through close coordination with the Zanzibar's government. Oman should retain an active management role, working in partnership to set priorities and ensure resources are used effectively. Ultimately, the scale or format of such a programme matters less than the principle behind it. Politically and diplomatically, it is in Oman's interest to take the lead in fostering sustainable development in Zanzibar. We must not allow this region — so closely tied to Oman by blood, history and mutual reliance — to become a space where past grievances fester or future rivalries take root. In a world increasingly shaped by transactional diplomacy, Oman's enduring connection with Zanzibar stands as a reminder that international relations can still be guided by history, honour and humanity.
