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Former St. Louis sheriff, senator Jim Murphy dies at 88

Former St. Louis sheriff, senator Jim Murphy dies at 88

Yahoo18-03-2025

ST. LOUIS – The sheriff who was elected six times in the City of St. Louis and served as a Missouri legislator, Jim Murphy, passed away over the weekend.
An obituary says that Murphy died Saturday. He was 88.
Murphy took office with the Missouri Senate in 1976, filling the role for two terms after serving as a committeeperson for the city's 12th Ward.
Later in 1989, he became the sheriff for St. Louis, where he would go on to keep the role for 28 years before deciding to not seek re-election. He was deemed Missouri's sheriff of the year in 1994.
On This Date: Tri-State Tornado devastates the Midwest, killing nearly 700
Beyond the politics and official titles, Murphy was also a decorated soccer player as he was on the field with the U.S. Men's World Cup Soccer team in addition to several other local groups, according to his obituary. He was inducted into St. Louis' Soccer Hall of Fame the same year he became sheriff.
Our partners at the St. Louis Post-Dispatch say Murphy died at a nursing home in Shrewsbury.
A visitation will be held Wednesday at Immaculate Heart of Mary Catholic Church from 3 p.m. to 8 p.m. in addition to Thursday at 9 a.m. His funeral will follow at 10 a.m. Thursday at Interment at Resurrection Cemetery.
Copyright 2025 Nexstar Media, Inc. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten, or redistributed.

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What to watch in New Jersey's primary election for governor
What to watch in New Jersey's primary election for governor

Yahoo

timea day ago

  • Yahoo

What to watch in New Jersey's primary election for governor

Tuesday's primary in New Jersey is set to lay the groundwork for a high-stakes general election that will decide if Democrats can hold on in the typically blue-leaning state or if Republicans can continue to make gains. The race to succeed term-limited Democratic Gov. Phil Murphy is the most competitive primary in recent history, thanks in part to a new ballot design and a large pool of prominent candidates. As one of only two gubernatorial races this year — and the only one with a fierce primary — Tuesday's results in New Jersey will be closely watched as both parties gear up for what's expected to be a close race in November. In the Republican primary, Jack Ciattarelli — who came just points away from unseating Murphy in 2021 — is looking to seal the deal against his top opponent, former radio host Bill Spadea. The Democratic contest, where six candidates are vying to replace Murphy, is more up in the air. Rep. Mikie Sherrill is seen as having the best shot, though the other candidates — Newark Mayor Ras Baraka, Jersey City Mayor Steven Fulop, Rep. Josh Gottheimer, New Jersey Education Association President Sean Spiller and former state Senate President Steve Sweeney — all have a path to the nomination depending on turnout. But the demographic of primary voters is a wildcard in what's expected to be a low-turnout, off-year primary. More than 460,000 people voted early, according to the Associated Press. The unusual possibility of most candidates having a real shot has led to record-breaking spending. A whopping $120 million has been poured into the race among candidates and independent expenditure groups — spending that is expected to ramp up in the general election. Polls close at 8 p.m. Eastern. Here are some of the dynamics at play in Tuesday's election. Tuesday's election is the first without the so-called county line, a layout that gave party-backed candidates a better spot on the ballot and all but guaranteed a primary win. It also gave county party bosses unusual sway over primaries. Candidates have argued the new format — office-block, the most common used across the country — gives contenders without the traditionally imperative support of party bosses a real chance. On the Democratic side, Sherrill and Sweeney have the most support from county parties — Sherrill primarily in North Jersey, the most populous and Democratic areas of the state, and Sweeney, the only candidate from South Jersey, in that region. For the Republicans, Ciattarelli was the only candidate to partake in every county nominating process. Many gubernatorial hopefuls used the death of the county line to make an argument against the party establishment. A handful of candidates shunned the endorsement processes, reasoning that their time was better spent with voters rather than appealing to the most tuned-in activists. There are still some advantages that come with having the endorsement from county parties, including get-out-the-vote efforts. Party-backed candidates were also awarded the party's slogan on the ballot, though it's unclear how persuasive that will be for voters, many of whom are not aware of what the party's slogan is. The outcome of the primary — if the victor is a candidate with significant establishment support or one who abandoned the process — will fuel the fight over the county line, which is expected to continue post-election. Republicans have raised the possibility of pushing to bring the line back. Separately, the federal judge overseeing the litigation that ended the county line system suggested the new ballot design may not pass constitutional muster. President Donald Trump, who had a closer-than-expected loss in New Jersey last year, has been a consistent presence in the primaries on both sides of the aisle. Ciattarelli and Spadea have long sparred over who is the most loyal to the president — a fight that has continued even after Trump endorsed Ciattarelli. In past elections, Ciattarelli was a Trump critic; he has since come around to support the president. Ciattarelli is the favorite in the primary, not just because of the Trump endorsement, but because of his high name ID from previous campaigns. But if Spadea pulls off an upset, that would be the second New Jersey election in a row in which the president backed the losing candidate, after he supported the runner-up in last year's Senate GOP primary. In the days leading up to this election, Trump doubled down on his support of only Ciattarelli. (The president has a history of endorsing multiple candidates in tight primaries.) He hosted a telerally for him, and over the weekend reupped his endorsement on Truth Social, writing that Ciattrelli's opponents 'are going around saying they have my Endorsement, which is not true, I don't even know who they are!' The Democratic primary has also centered on Trump, with each of the Democrats using him as a foil in their campaign messaging. It's a tactic that likely appeals to Democratic primary voters — but could be a harder sell to the broader general electorate, many of whom helped Trump make gains in the state last year. But Democratic National Committee Chair Ken Martin, who visited the state over the weekend, argued that 'there's a lot of buyer's remorse' when it comes to the president, which 'provides an opportunity to Democrats in this state to expand our coalition, bring people back into the fold who may have left us.' 'It's not only the right strategy, it's the right thing to stand up and fight back on what they're trying to do,' Martin said. 'I absolutely think we're going to continue to saddle [Ciattarelli] with the fact that he's best buddies with Donald Trump, and that doesn't help most hard-working New Jerseyans actually afford their lives.' Both sides acknowledge the November election will be competitive, even though New Jersey has typically been viewed as a blue state. Particularly on the Democratic side, the nominee will provide the latest insight into what voters hope the direction of the party will be. As the party out of power, Democrats nationally have struggled with how to get back on track ahead of the midterms. If Democrats nominate a more centrist Democrat, like Gottheimer or Sweeney, versus a progressive like Baraka or Fulop — and if that nominee is successful come November — that could be a sign of the path forward for the party. Some Republicans have argued that Baraka would be the easiest candidate to defeat in the general election, given how far to the left some of his policies are — a notion that Baraka has repeatedly pushed back on. Baraka fired up progressives and garnered national attention last month after he was arrested at an immigrant detention center in Newark, though it's unclear if that spotlight will translate to higher turnout for him at the ballot box. The electability argument is also underway in the Republican primary. State Sen. Jon Bramnick, a moderate Republican who has largely stayed out of the Ciattarelli-Spadea brawls, has asserted that he'd be the most competitive in a general election, given his success in Democratic-leaning districts. (Two other candidates, former Englewood Cliffs Mayor Mario Kranjac and contractor Justin Barbera are also running, though they remain longshots.) Ciattarelli, meanwhile, has claimed he would give a boost to down-ballot candidates — a point that Spadea has chided him for, considering he lost a gubernatorial campaign twice already. But Spadea, too, hasn't had the most successful electoral history. Spadea, who positions himself as a political outsider, has faltered running for office twice before, in Congress and the state Assembly, more than a decade ago. This election will show if the third time's the charm for Ciattarelli, a former state Assemblymember who also ran for governor in 2017 in addition to 2021. Last year was not a great year for repeat candidates on the congressional level, as many of them lost despite having the built-in advantages of having campaign infrastructure more or less in place from their previous runs. The entire state Assembly is up for grabs this year with competitive Democratic primaries across the state. Traditionally, candidates without party backing — or who only had it in a sliver of a legislative district — have faced long odds at winning primaries. But the fall of the county line is testing that conventional wisdom. Many of the state's most competitive Assembly races are fueled by Fulop, who has recruited Assembly candidates in around two dozen districts — many of them running against incumbents. The decision to run Assembly challengers plays into Fulop's anti-establishment message and also could boost him as they function as de facto surrogates for his candidacy. But he has also faced some criticism for the tactic, including accusations of acting like a party boss despite railing against them. And some of his chosen candidates have received negative headlines over the course of the primary. Tuesday will show if Fulop could provide some tailwinds for these candidates — or if he and his slate stumble up and down the ballot. But should the Fulop candidates be successful, it could shake up the dynamics of the Assembly's Democratic caucus, which is favored to maintain its 52-28 majority. Some Assembly races are a reflection of local power struggles. In the 33rd Legislative District, the Hudson County Democratic Organization and local power broker state Sen. Brian Stack is backing Assemblymember Gabriel Rodriguez and Larry Wainstein for Assembly against Frank Alonso and Tony Hector, who are allied with North Bergen Mayor Nick Sacco. Sacco and Stack have a long-running personal feud, and the Assembly race has become a proxy battle between the two. (Alonso and Hector are also allied with Fulop.) The neighboring 32nd Legislative District has a six-way Assembly primary. Assemblymember Jessica Ramirez and Jersey City Councilmember Yousef Saleh — backed by Fulop — are up against two party-backed candidates, municipal government employees Crystal Fonseca and Jennie Pu. Two other high-profile candidates, Hoboken Mayor Ravi Bhalla and Katie Brennan, a former Murphy administration official. Three slates of candidates are also competing in Bergen County's 37th Legislative District: Assemblymembers Shama Haider and Ellen Park, Fulop-backed attorney Tamar Warburg and Tenafly Councilmember Dan Park, and former Teaneck Deputy Mayor Yitz Stern and small business owner Rosemary Hernandez Carroll. The viable slates could make this a competitive primary. Republicans are not facing as many contested primaries. One in North Jersey features two-time unsuccessful congressional candidate Frank Pallotta running against two incumbent GOP Assemblymembers, Bob Auth and John Azzariti.

What to watch in New Jersey's primary election for governor
What to watch in New Jersey's primary election for governor

Politico

timea day ago

  • Politico

What to watch in New Jersey's primary election for governor

Tuesday's primary in New Jersey is set to lay the groundwork for a high-stakes general election that will decide if Democrats can hold on in the typically blue-leaning state or if Republicans can continue to make gains. The race to succeed term-limited Democratic Gov. Phil Murphy is the most competitive primary in recent history, thanks in part to a new ballot design and a large pool of prominent candidates. As one of only two gubernatorial races this year — and the only one with a fierce primary — Tuesday's results in New Jersey will be closely watched as both parties gear up for what's expected to be a close race in November. In the Republican primary, Jack Ciattarelli — who came just points away from unseating Murphy in 2021 — is looking to seal the deal against his top opponent, former radio host Bill Spadea. The Democratic contest, where six candidates are vying to replace Murphy, is more up in the air. Rep. Mikie Sherrill is seen as having the best shot, though the other candidates — Newark Mayor Ras Baraka, Jersey City Mayor Steven Fulop, Rep. Josh Gottheimer, New Jersey Education Association President Sean Spiller and former state Senate President Steve Sweeney — all have a path to the nomination depending on turnout. But the demographic of primary voters is a wildcard in what's expected to be a low-turnout, off-year primary. More than 460,000 people voted early, according to the Associated Press. The unusual possibility of most candidates having a real shot has led to record-breaking spending. A whopping $120 million has been poured into the race among candidates and independent expenditure groups — spending that is expected to ramp up in the general election. Polls close at 8 p.m. Eastern. Here are some of the dynamics at play in Tuesday's election. Tuesday's election is the first without the so-called county line, a layout that gave party-backed candidates a better spot on the ballot and all but guaranteed a primary win. It also gave county party bosses unusual sway over primaries. Candidates have argued the new format — office-block, the most common used across the country — gives contenders without the traditionally imperative support of party bosses a real chance. On the Democratic side, Sherrill and Sweeney have the most support from county parties — Sherrill primarily in North Jersey, the most populous and Democratic areas of the state, and Sweeney, the only candidate from South Jersey, in that region. For the Republicans, Ciattarelli was the only candidate to partake in every county nominating process. Many gubernatorial hopefuls used the death of the county line to make an argument against the party establishment. A handful of candidates shunned the endorsement processes, reasoning that their time was better spent with voters rather than appealing to the most tuned-in activists. There are still some advantages that come with having the endorsement from county parties, including get-out-the-vote efforts. Party-backed candidates were also awarded the party's slogan on the ballot, though it's unclear how persuasive that will be for voters, many of whom are not aware of what the party's slogan is. The outcome of the primary — if the victor is a candidate with significant establishment support or one who abandoned the process — will fuel the fight over the county line, which is expected to continue post-election. Republicans have raised the possibility of pushing to bring the line back. Separately, the federal judge overseeing the litigation that ended the county line system suggested the new ballot design may not pass constitutional muster. President Donald Trump, who had a closer-than-expected loss in New Jersey last year, has been a consistent presence in the primaries on both sides of the aisle. Ciattarelli and Spadea have long sparred over who is the most loyal to the president — a fight that has continued even after Trump endorsed Ciattarelli. In past elections, Ciattarelli was a Trump critic; he has since come around to support the president. Ciattarelli is the favorite in the primary, not just because of the Trump endorsement, but because of his high name ID from previous campaigns. But if Spadea pulls off an upset, that would be the second New Jersey election in a row in which the president backed the losing candidate, after he supported the runner-up in last year's Senate GOP primary. In the days leading up to this election, Trump doubled down on his support of only Ciattarelli. (The president has a history of endorsing multiple candidates in tight primaries.) He hosted a telerally for him, and over the weekend reupped his endorsement on Truth Social, writing that Ciattrelli's opponents 'are going around saying they have my Endorsement, which is not true, I don't even know who they are!' The Democratic primary has also centered on Trump, with each of the Democrats using him as a foil in their campaign messaging. It's a tactic that likely appeals to Democratic primary voters — but could be a harder sell to the broader general electorate, many of whom helped Trump make gains in the state last year. But Democratic National Committee Chair Ken Martin, who visited the state over the weekend, argued that 'there's a lot of buyer's remorse' when it comes to the president, which 'provides an opportunity to Democrats in this state to expand our coalition, bring people back into the fold who may have left us.' 'It's not only the right strategy, it's the right thing to stand up and fight back on what they're trying to do,' Martin said. 'I absolutely think we're going to continue to saddle [Ciattarelli] with the fact that he's best buddies with Donald Trump, and that doesn't help most hard-working New Jerseyans actually afford their lives.' Both sides acknowledge the November election will be competitive, even though New Jersey has typically been viewed as a blue state. Particularly on the Democratic side, the nominee will provide the latest insight into what voters hope the direction of the party will be. As the party out of power, Democrats nationally have struggled with how to get back on track ahead of the midterms. If Democrats nominate a more centrist Democrat, like Gottheimer or Sweeney, versus a progressive like Baraka or Fulop — and if that nominee is successful come November — that could be a sign of the path forward for the party. Some Republicans have argued that Baraka would be the easiest candidate to defeat in the general election, given how far to the left some of his policies are — a notion that Baraka has repeatedly pushed back on. Baraka fired up progressives and garnered national attention last month after he was arrested at an immigrant detention center in Newark, though it's unclear if that spotlight will translate to higher turnout for him at the ballot box. The electability argument is also underway in the Republican primary. State Sen. Jon Bramnick, a moderate Republican who has largely stayed out of the Ciattarelli-Spadea brawls, has asserted that he'd be the most competitive in a general election, given his success in Democratic-leaning districts. (Two other candidates, former Englewood Cliffs Mayor Mario Kranjac and contractor Justin Barbera are also running, though they remain longshots.) Ciattarelli, meanwhile, has claimed he would give a boost to down-ballot candidates — a point that Spadea has chided him for, considering he lost a gubernatorial campaign twice already. But Spadea, too, hasn't had the most successful electoral history. Spadea, who positions himself as a political outsider, has faltered running for office twice before, in Congress and the state Assembly, more than a decade ago. This election will show if the third time's the charm for Ciattarelli, a former state Assemblymember who also ran for governor in 2017 in addition to 2021. Last year was not a great year for repeat candidates on the congressional level, as many of them lost despite having the built-in advantages of having campaign infrastructure more or less in place from their previous runs. The entire state Assembly is up for grabs this year with competitive Democratic primaries across the state. Traditionally, candidates without party backing — or who only had it in a sliver of a legislative district — have faced long odds at winning primaries. But the fall of the county line is testing that conventional wisdom. Many of the state's most competitive Assembly races are fueled by Fulop, who has recruited Assembly candidates in around two dozen districts — many of them running against incumbents. The decision to run Assembly challengers plays into Fulop's anti-establishment message and also could boost him as they function as de facto surrogates for his candidacy. But he has also faced some criticism for the tactic, including accusations of acting like a party boss despite railing against them. And some of his chosen candidates have received negative headlines over the course of the primary. Tuesday will show if Fulop could provide some tailwinds for these candidates — or if he and his slate stumble up and down the ballot. But should the Fulop candidates be successful, it could shake up the dynamics of the Assembly's Democratic caucus, which is favored to maintain its 52-28 majority. Some Assembly races are a reflection of local power struggles. In the 33rd Legislative District, the Hudson County Democratic Organization and local power broker state Sen. Brian Stack is backing Assemblymember Gabriel Rodriguez and Larry Wainstein for Assembly against Frank Alonso and Tony Hector, who are allied with North Bergen Mayor Nick Sacco. Sacco and Stack have a long-running personal feud, and the Assembly race has become a proxy battle between the two. (Alonso and Hector are also allied with Fulop.) The neighboring 32nd Legislative District has a six-way Assembly primary. Assemblymember Jessica Ramirez and Jersey City Councilmember Yousef Saleh — backed by Fulop — are up against two party-backed candidates, municipal government employees Crystal Fonseca and Jennie Pu. Two other high-profile candidates, Hoboken Mayor Ravi Bhalla and Katie Brennan, a former Murphy administration official. Three slates of candidates are also competing in Bergen County's 37th Legislative District: Assemblymembers Shama Haider and Ellen Park, Fulop-backed attorney Tamar Warburg and Tenafly Councilmember Dan Park, and former Teaneck Deputy Mayor Yitz Stern and small business owner Rosemary Hernandez Carroll. The viable slates could make this a competitive primary. Republicans are not facing as many contested primaries. One in North Jersey features two-time unsuccessful congressional candidate Frank Pallotta running against two incumbent GOP Assemblymembers, Bob Auth and John Azzariti.

New Jersey Democrats prepare to pick a candidate, and an identity for their party
New Jersey Democrats prepare to pick a candidate, and an identity for their party

Yahoo

timea day ago

  • Yahoo

New Jersey Democrats prepare to pick a candidate, and an identity for their party

HASKELL, N.J. – On Sunday morning, in a crowded Irish sports bar, Jack Ciattarelli described the moment that would probably clinch him the Republican nomination for governor. He missed a call from Air Force One. He called back. And President Trump said that he was about to hit 'send' on a Truth Social post endorsing him. 'He said: 'Jack, I've gotta tell ya – this is the most beautiful endorsement I've ever made. It says so many nice things about you. You're gonna love it,'' Ciattarelli told his supporters. 'I said: 'Mr. President, I'm honored.' Republicans and Democrats in New Jersey will pick their nominees to succeed Gov. Phil Murphy today, four years after Ciatarelli nearly denied Murphy his second term. In 2017 and 2021, Trump's unpopularity was an anchor on the GOP, its brand already battered by the unpopularity of former Gov. Chris Christie. But after last year's presidential election, when Trump lost New Jersey by just 6 points, Republicans doubt he'll be as much of a drag on their party as Murphy will be on the Democrats. In their own six-way primary, as they've debated property taxes, education standards, and how much to fight the administration's immigration raids, Democrats have taken on Trump – and acknowledged that voters are a little fatigued with them, too. 'If you think that you're going to be elected in November solely being a Democratic establishment candidate, and just hammering Donald Trump, it's not where the electorate is going to be,' Jersey City Mayor Steven Fulop told supporters at a Sunday rally in Fair Lawn. 'It's not going to be a referendum on Donald Trump,' said Fulop. 'It's going to be: Really, do you want four more years of Phil Murphy?' Murphy has stayed out of the Democratic primary, the first since the end of 'the line,' a system that gave preferred ballot placement to candidates endorsed by county parties. Rep. Mikie Sherrill (D-N.J.), a rising star in the party since her landslide 2018 win in a historically Republican seat, has locked up most of those parties' endorsements. That has helped make Sherrill the favorite for the nomination, and the target of anti-establishment campaigning by Fulop and Newark Mayor Ras Baraka. A Fulop PAC attacked her as a tool of the 'political machine,' and both candidates went after donations from employees of Elon Musk's SpaceX, a $400 fine she paid over missing the deadline to report one of her husband's stock trades, and an increase in her net worth since 2018. Those ads led to an awkward moment for Sherrill, on The Breakfast Club, when host Charlamagne tha God asked her to explain the accusation in the ads, and how she'd made $7 million in Congress. 'I, I haven't – I don't believe I did, but I'd have to go see what that was alluding to,' she said. That moment encouraged Sherrill's challengers, who've spent all year trying to challenge the electability aura of, as her ads put it, a 'Navy helicopter pilot, a federal prosecutor, [and] a mom of four.' Baraka, whose national profile soared after his arrest at an ICE facility in Newark, has campaigned on a record of lower crime in the city and a more progressive governing agenda, paid for by a higher corporate tax. At a Saturday rally in Jersey City, he said that critics who accused him of campaigning on 'rhetoric and platitudes' hadn't offered anything real to voters. 'They don't really understand the issues,' Baraka told Semafor. 'If you understand the issues, you could talk about them passionately. And I don't think they do. I think it's talking points, white papers and all kinds of other things that they put together, or people put together for them.' Polling has found a consistent lead for Sherrill, and enough undecided voters for a potential upset. Three other candidates have hoped to win them: Rep. Josh Gottheimer (D-N.J.), New Jersey Education Association President Sean Spiller, and former state Senate President Steve Sweeney, who lost his seat four years ago when Ciattarelli out-performed the polls. Sweeney, the only South Jersey candidate in the race, broke with the pack by saying he'd repeal the state's 'sanctuary' immigration status. Gottheimer and Spiller made news for other reasons: Gottheimer with a confounding TV ad that used AI to portray him boxing with Trump, Spiller with a $35 million spend from his union, dwarfing every other candidate's war chest. Sherrill had far more support from local and national Democratic groups, and pitched herself as the candidate Republicans didn't want to run against. On Saturday morning, at a Colombian restaurant in Elizabeth, she shared the stage with a slate of Latino politicians who touted their work for the region and the work Sherrill could do if she won. 'We need more mothers in these spaces,' said Senate Majority Leader Teresa Ruiz. 'We need more caretakers in these spaces.' The officially endorsed candidate of Union County Democrats spoke next. Ciattarelli, she said, 'broke land speed records getting to Bedminster to kiss Trump's ring.' But she knew how to fight Trump. 'As a former Navy helicopter pilot, as a former federal prosecutor, as a mom of four kids, four teenagers, I am telling you that I'm often reminded of a lesson that I learned when I was in the Navy,' she said. When ships ran aground, it was often because 'the people on the bridge' were scared to warn their commanding officers. 'And I tell you that, because I see that all the time in Congress.' Ciattarelli, a former state legislator who'd also run for governor in 2017, began running for this nomination as soon as he conceded to Murphy. He faces four other Republicans in the primary, including Bill Spadea, a radio host who attacked him for as long as he could for Ciattarelli's old, recanted criticism of Trump. Post-endorsement polling has shown Ciattarelli expanding his lead over the field, and on Sunday, the candidate ignored his opponents and promised to fix the problems he pinned on Murphy and the Democrats, from the cost of living to 'sanctuary state' policies that undermined police. 'They worry about pronouns. We worry about property taxes,' he said. 'They worry about supporting illegals and setting criminals free. We care about supporting our local police and keeping our community safe. [W]e've got an overdevelopment crisis. We'll fix that by stopping all this over-development in our suburbs.' After the rally, Ciattarelli told Semafor that Trump would be an asset for his campaign, pointing out that the president got more votes last year than Murphy got in any of his races. 'Look what he's done for New Jersey,' Ciattarelli said of Trump. 'He's put a temporary halt on the wind farms off the Jersey Shore. He's beating up on New York Democrats over congestion pricing, and he's willing to quadruple the SALT deduction on our federal tax returns. Those are all things that New Jerseyans overwhelmingly support. So I think we're in a really, really good position here in terms of what the President's positions are and what my positions are to win this election.' Democrats lost to Chris Christie twice, but they were gobsmacked by how close the 2024 election ended up being in New Jersey. Not all of them; Murphy had told many people, Trump included, that it would be the state's first single-digit race in 20 years. But why did Kamala Harris run nearly 400,000 votes behind Joe Biden? How, in four years, did Trump go from someone Ciattarelli wanted nothing to a political asset? These are questions for November, though Democrats absolutely expected Trump to be less popular in New Jersey by now. An Emerson Poll last month gave the president a slightly higher approval rating than Murphy, which feeds into Fulop's theory that another anti-Trump campaign won't be effective. You can expect Ciattarelli to win today. The Democratic race will be more revealing. Fulop is running a lot like Sen. Andy Kim (D-N.J.) did last year, campaigning with an anti-machine 'NJ for Change' slate, directly comparing Sherrill to Murphy's wife Tammy, who Kim beat in the 2024 primary with an anti-machine campaign. (Murphy ended up pulling herself off the ballot.) Polling has not picked up any boost to Baraka since his arrest, which every other candidate condemned. Republicans describe a Democratic Party that is so Trump-crazed that it'll nominate whoever fights him the hardest and most furiously. If that doesn't happen for Baraka, we'll learn something about a very diverse Democratic electorate. Democrats believe that Ciattarelli's embrace of Trump, and refusal to break with him on anything, will end up being a liability — especially his plan for a garden state version of 'DOGE,' an idea that has shined less brightly after it didn't meet Elon Musk's cost-saving expectations, and after some of its cuts led to money-wasting confusion. 'Jack Ciattarelli, over and over again, refuses to put a sliver of daylight between his plans for New Jersey and Donald Trump's,' New Jersey Democratic State Committee spokesperson Ryan Radulovacki said in a statement. 'If Jack Ciattarelli makes it to the general election he'll have to fully own his '100% plus' embrace of Donald Trump's harmful, costly agenda, no matter what he says or how he tries to run from it.' In the Associated Press, Adriana Gomez Licon and Mike Catalini looked at how Democrats were re-approaching the Latino voters who drifted last year, and how the primary 'highlights the challenges in traditionally blue areas where the party's loss of support among Hispanics in 2024 was even more pronounced than in battleground states.' In Politico, Madison Fernandez and Ry Rivard lay out how each Democrat could win the primary. In the New Jersey Monitor, Nikita Biryukov, Dana DiFilippo and Sophie Nieto-Munoz capture what each candidate said as they closed out their campaigns.

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