Eviction in Rengma: Dimapur Muslims asked to check influx
2
Guwahati: Following notices being served to encroachers in Rengma Reserve Forest, compelling more than 80% to vacate voluntarily from Uriamghat, the Muslim Council Dimapur (MCD) has urged the Muslim community of Dimapur, Niuland, and Chumukedima district in Nagaland to remain vigilant about the potential influx of evicted individuals.
MCD working president Ahidur Rahman said the council has observed attempts by some displaced individuals to enter various locations across the three Nagaland districts. He added that the matter not only concerns the state administration and locals but also directly affects the Muslim community. He called on all community members to maintain peace and unity during this period.
In the advisory, the council instructed Muslims in the affected districts to remain vigilant and report any unfamiliar individuals entering the region or suspicious movements within colonies, villages, or religious places to the nearest Gaon Buras (GBs) or law enforcement agencies.
Reinforcing its stance, MCD warned that any member found providing accommodation or aid to evicted individuals would face legal action and possible expulsion from the community.
MCD has distributed the advisory to all masjid committees, youth groups, and council members in the three districts, urging strict adherence to the guidelines.
Several eviction drives have already been conducted in different parts of Assam, including at Paikan Reserve Forest in Goalpara district, Hasila Beel in Goalpara district, and at Chapar in Dhubri district.
by Taboola
by Taboola
Sponsored Links
Sponsored Links
Promoted Links
Promoted Links
You May Like
No annual fees for life
UnionBank Credit Card
Apply Now
Undo
Assam CM Himanta Biswa Sarma on Friday said the ongoing eviction drives in the state are conducted in a well-thought-out, legally sound, and systematic manner — not based on emotions.
Meanwhile, Assam's implementation of Assam Accord minister Atul Bora also supported the state's eviction drive against illegal encroachments in tribal areas. He said the move, led by the CM, is important to protect tribal land and praised the CM's visits to districts to monitor the action.
Hashtags
Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
Time of India
35 minutes ago
- Time of India
Sectoral divergence growing, markets watching both macros and micro moves: Rajeev Agrawal
"What we have to do now is see where India comes in because really there is not a lot of talk that is happening about India deal and that is to some extent a little bit of a concern at this stage," says Rajeev Agrawal , DoorDarshi India Fund. There is definitely some progress which seems to be made on the tariff deals that Trump has been signing and this time around it is EU. While we are of course awaiting when is going to be India's turn, but it seems that negotiations are pretty hard, but how is it that you are reading into the market construct both US and of course India? Rajeev Agrawal: So, in terms of how I am reading the market, it is quite clear that Trump is in the deal making mode, but he is really getting a lot of investments for the US which is interesting that EU had to actually go back and look at investing in the US which is really surprising to me that they are putting $750 billion in the US, that is quite surprising given their own investments that they have to do in the economy, but they are ultimately able to get 15%. Explore courses from Top Institutes in Please select course: Select a Course Category Data Science others Project Management Technology Design Thinking Others healthcare Degree MCA Operations Management Digital Marketing Data Science Finance Management Data Analytics MBA CXO Public Policy Product Management Healthcare Artificial Intelligence Leadership PGDM Cybersecurity Skills you'll gain: Strategic Data-Analysis, including Data Mining & Preparation Predictive Modeling & Advanced Clustering Techniques Machine Learning Concepts & Regression Analysis Cutting-edge applications of AI, like NLP & Generative AI Duration: 8 Months IIM Kozhikode Professional Certificate in Data Science and Artificial Intelligence Starts on Jun 26, 2024 Get Details Skills you'll gain: Data Analysis & Interpretation Programming Proficiency Problem-Solving Skills Machine Learning & Artificial Intelligence Duration: 24 Months Vellore Institute of Technology VIT MSc in Data Science Starts on Aug 14, 2024 Get Details by Taboola by Taboola Sponsored Links Sponsored Links Promoted Links Promoted Links You May Like Pirates Climb Aboard Cargo Ship - Watch What The Captain Did Next Tips and Tricks What we have to do now is see where India comes in because really there is not a lot of talk that is happening about India deal and that is to some extent a little bit of a concern at this stage. I just want to take that point ahead, it is a little bit of a concern now that the US has announced deals with major global economies and 15% for UK, 15% for EU, you have this 15% number that is gaining centre stage right now. Where do you think Indian tariffs could come down to? We at 26% right now. Do you think 15 could be a possibility for us? Rajeev Agrawal: I am sure India is looking at that. India has been trying to have a favourable term. I do not think given some of the negotiations and the deal making that has happened. It looks that earlier India was shooting for 10%, clearly that does not seem like it is anywhere close at this stage, so that 10% to 20% is the range and the lower is obviously good. But the given the sort of deals that are happening, 15% looks like a nice round number at this stage and that is what India will end up. Very frankly at this stage the negotiations have to be, rather than at the official level it has to be at the top level between the leaders of both the nations, that is really what it will take to get the deal done. Live Events Just wanted to have your take on the auto sector as a whole because it was Japan for which the 15% tariff has been announced and in the latest it is EU that will be going ahead with a 15% tariff on the cars itself. How do you see the sentiment shaping up for autos because 15% is indeed very less versus what was anticipated earlier. So, do you believe good times for the global automotive sector? Rajeev Agrawal: Auto sector in my view is a little bit struggling especially in the new space, in the EV space, because in the US especially the EV industry has not picked up as much. And given the desire to not have as much subsidies, so in the US for example the federal subsidies are going to go away after September. So, in the new vehicle space, in the new technology space in autos, there will be struggle there. But in other areas, maybe in the traditional ice technology, maybe there will be a little bit more of a pickup, but overall autos will frankly not necessarily do as well unless and until we see the economies start picking up in a major manner. So, where does that leave equity markets like India because it is pretty reflective in the price? We have been just range bound. Of course, the big concern is softness in earnings and we can see that clearly play out at least with, of course, it which was much expected, but individual cases within banks too now. Rajeev Agrawal: So, as you pointed out earlier in the show, clearly it is not industrywide. It is player by player and some players are doing better than others and so it is quite interesting how different players are looking to grow but really struggling either on the credit side or in the particular segments that they are in. Looking more at the overall Indian macro, I would think and the Indian markets, the big news for this week will definitely be the deal or no deal that we were discussing earlier and that could have a very sharp reaction either way depending on what happens. Apart from that as you have also said there are a lot of earnings that are coming out and those earnings will drive the market.
The Print
an hour ago
- The Print
Muslims never held Akbar in high regard. Hindus made him ‘Great'
He practiced what he preached. His appreciation of Hinduism and other non-Islamic religions was evident as much in his statesmanship as in his personal belief and behaviour. To the Muslims, this amounted to heresy, blasphemy, and apostasy. They rose in rebellion, and the sword they drew against him still remains unsheathed. The jihad against Akbar — the infidel, the apostate — continues unabated. Certainly not the Muslims. In popular culture, they refer to him not as Akbar-e Azam (Akbar the Great), but as Akfar-e Azam (Kafir the Great). He has been the bête noire of Muslim political discourse in India — for seeking to broaden the foundations of Muslim rule by accommodating Hindus in the system, and for trying to build a spiritual and ideological framework around this vision through the syncretic order called Din-e Ilahi (Divine Faith), and the policy of Sulh-e Kul (Universal Amity). Akbar The Great Nahin Rahe' is a Hinglish play directed by Sayeed Alam of the theatre group Pierrot's Troupe. The title is a play on words with a dual meaning — Akbar the Great is no more , and Akbar is no more great . But was he ever? If yes, who made him great? But more on that later. Also read: Why highly placed Muslims became 'Krishna bhaktas' in the Mughal period Who bestowed greatness on Akbar? This article began with the question: who made Akbar 'The Great'? It's important to ask, because apart from Alexander and Ashoka, Akbar is the only king for whom this appellation has virtually become part of the name. I couldn't find who used this label first, but the title of Vincent Smith's Akbar: The Great Mogul (1917) seems to have played a seminal role in popularising the epithet and creating a historiographical cult around the Mughal emperor. But the ascription of greatness wasn't just a British invention. It was, actually, an Indian (read: Hindu) show of magnanimity towards the memory of a king who, despite his limitations — and occasional slide into brutality, such as in Chittor (1567–68) — was a hundred times better than the rest of Mughal and Sultanate rulers. That said, it raises a disturbing question: how oppressive was Muslim rule that Akbar — under whom Hindus got some relief, though no equality and much less any precedence, as the polity remained foreign with the overwhelming preponderance of Irani and Turani nobility — came to be regarded as great? It raises a further question: should this solitary example of Akbar be used to whitewash the crimes of a polity that reigned for centuries? Hindus made Akbar great When Vincent Smith's book was published, Lala Lajpat Rai reviewed it for Political Science Quarterly, an American journal. Rai was one of the Lal-Bal-Pal triumvirate (with Bal Gangadhar Tilak and Bipin Chandra Pal), which not only led the extremist faction of the Indian National Congress but also believed in Hindu nationalism. In his own words, Rai was 'wedded to the idea of Hindu nationality'. The very first line of his review reads: 'Akbar the Great Mogul was by common consent one of the greatest monarchs known to history.' He glorified the monarch even though the book under review vividly described the Chittor carnage — thirty thousand Hindus slaughtered, hundreds of women committing Jauhar, and numerous temples destroyed — all confirmed by Akbar's own Fathnama (proclamation of victory) dated 9 March 1568. Yet, Rai wrote, 'Mr. Smith… at places is unduly hard on him (Akbar), forgetting the times in which he lived and worked.' He could not have said this unless he was convinced that Akbar later made sincere efforts to amend his past wrongs. In a rare gesture, Akbar honoured the gallant defenders of Chittor — Jaimal and Patta — by installing their statues, mounted on elephants, at the Agra Fort gate. James Tod writes in the Annals of Mewar: 'He (Akbar) finally succeeded in healing the wounds his ambition had inflicted, and received from millions that meed of praise which no other of his race ever obtained.' Also read: Each day brings some new horror and hate. Worrying that ordinary Hindus aren't so shocked The imperative of reconciliation Truth brings reconciliation and contrition brings closure. Those who try to hide the bad and the ugly of the past should learn from Ashoka and Akbar about honest disclosure and sincere reconciliation. In the Indian tradition, Pashchatap (remorse), Prayashchit (atonement) and Kshama (forgiveness) — in that order — have been the values of highest morality. Every wound can be healed and every conflict can be resolved through truth and reconciliation. But to seek reconciliation, one has to see the need for it. So, the question is: do the Muslims have the moral compass and ideological conviction for peaceful coexistence with other communities, or are they still trapped in their medieval mode of thinking in which Islam is perpetually at war with other religions? Do Muslims consider Akbar great? The Muslim attitude toward Akbar is a good pointer to their groupthink. While they admire his empire-building achievements, they don't have the ideological framework to appreciate the philosophy behind his actions. Many wish he had remained as steadfast in Islam as his great-grandson, Aurangzeb. Contrary to both common sense and academic consensus, they blame the fall of the Mughal Empire on Akbar's liberalism rather than Aurangzeb's fanaticism — which forced the Indian masses to rise in revolt and bring down the mighty empire. In their eyes, Akbar — despite being the true founder of India's grandest Muslim empire — was a renegade from Islam, whose policies weakened the foundations of the Muslim rule. They forget that, without Akbar's policy of conciliation and inclusion of the native ruling classes in the state apparatus, there would be no Mughal Empire. Also read: That Muslims enslaved Hindus for last 1000 yrs is historically unacceptable: Romila Thapar Muslim antipathy to Akbar In 1579, when Akbar issued the Mahzar (an official declaration often mistranslated as the 'Infallibility Decree') to style himself Imam-e-Adil (the just leader) and reaffirm his authority as final arbiter in religious disputes, the simmering discontent against his policy of relief to Hindus burst out in open. Led by his half-brother Mirza Hakim, the orthodox establishment rose in widespread revolt. Though it was eventually crushed, while it raged, it was a touch and go situation for Akbar. There was such discontent against Akbar's policy of religious liberality that his own court chronicler, Abdul Qadir Badauni (1540–1615), in his clandestinely written Muntakhab-ut-Tawarikh, castigated him in the severest terms and threw at him the worst religious calumny, accusing him of deviating from Islam. Akbar in modern Muslim history Historian Ishtiaq Husain Qureshi writes in The Muslim Community of the Indo-Pakistan Sub-Continent (610-1947): 'Akbar had changed the nature of the polity profoundly. The Muslims were still the dominant group in the State, but it had ceased to be a Muslim State … [Akbar] was no more as dependent upon their support as earlier Sultans had been. Now Muslims were only one of the Communities in the empire which controlled the Councils and the armed might of the State … Akbar had so weakened Islam through his policies that it could not be restored to its dominant position in the affairs of the State.' Criticising Akbar's Rajput policy, Qureshi adds: 'In the beginning they [the Mughals] saw with satisfaction and even pride that the Hindu had started 'wielding the Sword of Islam'. They soon learnt that the Sword would not always be wielded in the interest of Islam.' Akbar's religious and Rajput policies have often been blamed for slowing the spread of Islam in India and diluting the distinct Muslim identity — the very axis around which Muslim politics and religion in India revolve. The most influential Muslim thinkers of the 20th century — Maulana Abul Kalam Azad and poet Allama Iqbal — despite their differences, were unanimous in branding Akbar a heretic and apostate. Azad, in Tazkira (1919), applied the term Ilhaad (heresy/apostasy) to Akbar, and glorified Shaikh Ahmad Sirhindi (1564–1624), the leading Naqshbandi sufi opponent of Akbar's policies, reviving his forgotten legacy. Historian Muzaffar Alam notes that Sirhindi's rehabilitation by Azad as the counterpoint to Akbar 'had a long historiographic afterlife… Sirhindi's prominence in the South Asian Muslim imagination and history, however, remains almost unparalleled, comparable only to that of Shah Wali Allah of Delhi (d. 1762). In some circles, he is also considered the origin of the ideology of an independent homeland for the Muslims of the subcontinent.' Iqbal, spiritual acolyte of Sirhindi, in one of his poems, called him the guardian of the Muslim community in India — 'wo Hind mein sarmaya-e Millat ka nigahban.' In another Persian poem, in which he sang paeans to Aurangzeb, he condemned Akbar: 'Tukhm-e-Ilhaad ke Akbar parwarid' (The seed of heresy that Akbar nurtured). Also read: How I unlearned my Islamophobia one step at a time Different gazes at Akbar Hindus and Muslims have always viewed Akbar differently. Hindus exalt him for the liberality with which he treated them in a polity where their persecution was summum bonum. He abolished jizya — a poll tax designed to humiliate non-Muslims (Quran 9:29). Historically, the burden of jizya led many to convert in the first wave of Islamic conquests — from Iran to Central Asia in the Sassanid territory, from Syria to Egypt in the Byzantine territory — and so too in India. How demeaning jizya was can be seen in Ziauddin Barani's account of cleric Qazi Mughisuddin advising Alauddin Khilji: 'As soon as the revenue collector demands the sum due from him, [the Hindu] pays the same with meekness and humility, coupled with utmost respect, and free from reluctance, and he, should the collector chooses to spit into his mouth, opens the same without hesitation, so that the official may spit into it …' Centuries later, Aurangzeb echoed the same sentiments about jizya: 'By this means idolatry will be suppressed, the Muhammadan religion and the true faith will be honoured, our proper duty will be performed, the finances of the state will be increased, and infidels will be disgraced.' Akbar could not make Hindus equal citizens — far from it — but by removing religious disabilities like jizya and pilgrimage taxes, he alleviated their misery and, most importantly, restored their honour. In the long history of Muslim rule, he was the first king to treat Hindus with dignity — and none after him ever surpassed him in this basic decency. His Rajput policy was not only statesmanly prudence but also a moral response to the rights of the sons of the soil. And it didn't stop here. To build an inclusive polity, he propounded the philosophy of Sulh-e Kul and, recognising the imperative of composite culture, founded the spiritual order Tauhid-e Ilahi (popularly called Din-e Ilahi). So why do Muslims censure Akbar? For precisely the same reasons that Hindus celebrate him. As Abul Fazl wrote in Akbarnama, the root of Muslim discontent was that Akbar 'received all classes of mankind with affection, and searched for evidence in religious matters from the sages of every religion and ascetics of all faiths.' Muslims judged Akbar by the only measure they have — the yardstick of orthodox Islam. But he was far too big for that frame. His incorporation of Hindu practices in his spiritual exercises outraged them. His Ibadatkhana, where scholars of different religions and sects gathered to debate the issues of faith, placed Islam on an equal footing with 'false' religions, something unacceptable to supremacist theology. Sulh-e Kul — universal amity — was the radical departure from the theology of incessant Jihad until Islam triumphed and all other religions were extirpated. Akbar had the Ramayana, Mahabharata, and other Hindu texts translated into Persian. This reverence was interpreted as disrespect toward Islam. It's a travesty to say that Akbar's stature is being diminished only now under the influence of the present dispensation. The bitter truth is: Muslims never held him in high regard. Had they truly honoured him, they would today hold aloft the ideals of Sulh-e Kul, which was the same as Sarva Dharma Sambhava, and conciliate Hindus as Akbar did by showing respect towards Hinduism and Indian culture. Ibn Khaldun Bharati is a student of Islam, and looks at Islamic history from an Indian perspective. He tweets @IbnKhaldunIndic. Views are personal. Editor's note: We know the writer well and only allow pseudonyms when we do so. (Edited by Prashant)
Time of India
an hour ago
- Time of India
Dogs in, humans out: 'Dog Babu' gets Patna residence certificate; Yogendra Yadav says 'this is acceptable in Bihar's SIR but not Aadhaar card'
Danny generated AI Image Swaraj India member Yogendra Yadav took a dig at the Bihar government for issuing a residence certificate to a dog in Patna and said that this is the same certificate that is being considered for SIR, "while Aadhaar and ration cards are being called fake. " A bizarre incident from Bihar caught everyone's attention, including Yogendra Yadav. A dog from Bihar's Patna district received the residence certificate. The residence certificate, issued from the Bihar RTPS's portal of Masaurhi Zone Office, carries the digital signature of Murari Chauhan, revenue officer of Masaurhi Zone Office. The authenticity of the certificate has put the entire system under the scanner, raising questions on how the tampering occurred. The certificate (number BRCCO/2025/15933581) has a picture of a dog and his name is 'Dog Babu'. The address is mentioned as Mohalla Kaulichak, Ward No 15, Nagar Parishad Masaurhi. Looking at the weird certificate, Yadav said in a post on X, "See it with your own eyes! On July 24 in Bihar, a dog got a residence certificate issued. This is the same certificate that is being accepted in Bihar under SIR, while Aadhaar and ration cards are being called the photo and name yourself: 'Dog Babu', father's name 'Kutta Babu', mother's name 'Kutiya Babu', and address – Kaulichak Mohalla, Ward Number 15, Masaurhi Municipal Council. by Taboola by Taboola Sponsored Links Sponsored Links Promoted Links Promoted Links You May Like Libas Purple Days Sale Libas Undo The certificate number is BRCCO/2025/15933581." The District Administration of Patna assured that an FIR has been registered at the local police station against the applicant, the computer operator, and the officer who issued the certificate. Replying to Yadav, the administration said, "The Sub-Divisional Officer, Masaurhi, has been directed to conduct a detailed investigation of the entire matter and submit a report within 24 hours. Departmental and disciplinary action will be taken against the guilty employees and officers." BJP also replied and said that the purpose of the SIR is to identify such infiltrators and those who have obtained fake certificates (including elements like these), who have illegally acquired citizenship-related benefits. "Those who are getting flustered seeing themselves exposed are the ones now trying to give a communal color to this constitutionally compliant process. Foreign agencies and their informants in India are also active in this," BJP IT chief Amit Malviya said while replying t Yadav's post. This post triggered online debate where one user said, "Any person who deliberately applies with a fake name or photo should be fined Rs 5,000 or more as a penalty. Fraud on digital portals must be stopped, and this joke should be taken seriously — no application should be accepted without a mobile number." Another said: "This is not the misfortune of the Election Commission but of Bihar, and it shows how low the standard of employees in Bihar is."
