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It's Not Just Sydney Sweeney: The US Always Fights About Jeans

It's Not Just Sydney Sweeney: The US Always Fights About Jeans

Mint2 days ago
The American Eagle Outfitters Inc. Sydney Sweeney 'Good Jeans' controversy happened in late July — a lifetime ago in internet terms — but here we are, halfway through August, and people are still talking about it. One of the latest references happened last Friday, when Dr. Phil, outraged that liberals found fault with the ad, announced plans to buy American Eagle blue jeans for every woman in his family.It's easy to read this episode as yet more evidence of our degraded civic discourse. But what if this is merely the latest front in the decades-long battle over the meaning of blue jeans? They're part of our common culture, yes, but they have a long history of 'triggering' one group or another — the inevitable consequence of the fact that so many groups think that this most ubiquitous and recognizable article of clothing belongs to them.
One man's name is inseparable from the birth of blue jeans: Levi Strauss. In 1873, one of his customers — a tailor named Jacob Davis, based in a mining town in Nevada — approached him with a proposition.
Davis explained that he had been making tough trousers out of denim that he had purchased from Strauss. These pants, reinforced with metal rivets, had proven popular with miners, and Davis wanted Strauss to help him build the business. The two men secured a patent for the design , soon founding a company to sell the pants and hawking them to miners and cowboys who wanted clothing that could handle wear and tear.Other companies got into the business, too, and over the next half century, blue jeans — then known as 'waist overalls' — became popular across a broad swath of the nation's working class.
Look at the iconic photographs of working Americans taken during the Great Depression, and one thing stands out: virtually everyone wore blue jeans, along with their close cousins, denim coveralls and overalls. It was the uniform of the masses — the ordinary people who worked in factories and on farms. And had it remained that way, there would be no occasion for this column.
That same decade, though, witnessed another trend that proved a harbinger of things to come: the cultural appropriation of blue jeans as a fashion statement. The first offenders were affluent Americans who began visiting so-called 'dude ranches' out West. Hanging out with cowboys and other 'authentic' Americans led to a fashion fad focused on 'Dude Ranch Duds,' with Levi Strauss & Co. in the lead. The company even launched the first blue jeans for women in 1934: Lady Levi's.
In the process, blue jeans went from being a functional item of clothing associated with working-class Americans to something far more malleable: a literal canvas by which wearers broadcast their identity.
And broadcast they did. Jeans became ubiquitous thanks to Marlon Brando. Long before he became a household name, Brando refused to abide by the dress codes that aspiring actors followed. 'During what might be called his Blue — or Blue Jean — Period, Brando went everywhere in such clothes,' reported the Washington Post in a breathless profile of the star. Receptionists and gatekeepers at talent agencies and in Hollywood 'mistook him for a man who had come to repair a broken pipe or wash the windows.'
Brando translated his own style onto the screen, beginning with The Wild One, where he played the jean-wearing leader of a biker gang that takes over a small town. White middle-class high schoolers and college students loved the look and immediately adopted it as their own.
Their elders were not amused.
In 1957, the New York Times informed readers that blue jeans, formerly a wholesome bit of clothing, had gotten a bad rep. 'Ever since the 'motorcycle boys' started wearing blue jeans in anything but a neat manner, many schools over the country have banned this attire from the classroom,' the paper reported.
By the 1960s, the transgressive power of jeans exploded, particularly after they became the uniform of the youthful tribes that made up the counterculture. Vietnam War protesters wore jeans embroidered with peace signs, while feminists wore jeans, not skirts, to claim equal rights. Civil Rights protesters embraced the look because it mirrored denim worn by enslaved people and sharecroppers — a subtle suggestion that not much had changed in the segregated South.
From there, the jean wars only intensified. On the one side, bell bottoms became the signature look of 1970s radicals. By 1980, jeans had slimmed, but were associated in some circles with declining morals. That year, a then 15-year-old Brooke Shields appeared in a series of highly sexualized ads for Calvin Klein jeans that social conservatives decried.
At the same time, a conservative counterrevolution began reclaiming jeans for themselves. After Ronald Reagan became president, he broadcast an image of himself as a rancher at heart who was happiest wearing his beloved blue jeans. George W. Bush took the same look and ran with it when he was president, helping reclaim jeans for conservatives.
As the Sydney Sweeney jeans controversy gradually fades from the spotlight — at least as much as it can in today's hostile political climate, where it's bound to resurface from time to time — it's worth remembering that dust-ups surrounding denim are far from unprecedented. And in an era in America when so little feels familiar, perhaps that sense of déjà vu can be a guide for navigating similar culture wars.
More From Bloomberg Opinion:
This column reflects the personal views of the author and does not necessarily reflect the opinion of the editorial board or Bloomberg LP and its owners.
Stephen Mihm, a professor of history at the University of Georgia, is coauthor of 'Crisis Economics: A Crash Course in the Future of Finance.'
This article was generated from an automated news agency feed without modifications to text.
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Postcards from Hyderabad—stories Europeans told about the city
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Hyderabad, the capital of the state of the same name, is celebrated for its swords and other arms. The population, which is about 500,000, consists of mixed elements, and is full of warlike spirit and nearly everyone carries a weapon. Hyderabad is one of the greatest centers of Mohammedanism in India.' The caption appears to be saying a lot about the city in general. It is presented as a repository of martial tradition and religious identity. The mention of 'warlike spirit' and a population where 'nearly everyone carries a weapon' lends the image of curious fascination about civilised primitivism. The reference to Hyderabad as 'one of the greatest centers of Mohammedanism in India' also flattens the city for an European viewership who would have read 'Mohammedan' as a marker of both exotic difference and imperial anxiety. It is also fairly evident that these arms sellers are framed not as individuals, but as representatives of a type: the exotic native warrior, purveyor of arms, vestige of a fading martial culture. This discussion on typification grants up a good point of entry into the next postcard, perhaps one of the most popular recipient of the Edwardian postcolonial nazar— The Nautch Girls of India. This one from Hyderabad stands apart for one primary reason—it attributes a name to the nautch girl. Miss Chanda of Hyderabad. On the surface, it might appear as if the nomenclature resists genrefication of Miss Chanda. The story is a little more complicated than that. Miss Chanda is dressed in a richly detailed outfit: a lavender skirt with gold ornamentation, a white dupatta, and a tightly-fitted bodice, all pointing toward a culture of princely luxury and Islamic court traditions. There is a hint of feminine grace and affluence in the image. But of course, she is not just Miss Chanda—she is Miss Chanda of Hyderabad. Her identity is inseparable from the exotic geography she is meant to evoke. The title alone transforms her from an individual into a representative type, a kind of visual ethnography meant to educate or titillate a foreign audience. Much like the portraits of arm sellers and street scenes, this image offers a version of Hyderabad through its people—yet what it frames is not Miss Chanda's life, but her legibility as an object of curiosity. If Miss Chanda was granted partial visibility through the privilege of a name—only to be reabsorbed into the grammar of exotic femininity—then the next figure's visibility was never in question. Possibly the earliest known postcard of a named Indian ruler (with several to follow) features Mahboob Ali Khan, Asif Jah VI, the sixth Nizam of Hyderabad, and one of the richest men in the world at the time. This postcard marks a shift from anonymous 'types' discussed so far, to named power. But it does so on very specific colonial terms. The Nizam is dressed in full court regalia, the embroidery on his coat ornate, his belt tight across his waist, a heavily jewelled cap crowning his head. The postcard is highly stylised, composed like a studio portrait. The paradox that we must not forget is that despite his opulence and sovereign authority, he is a part of a collection titled 'Souvenir of East Indies', built for exotic European consumption. Also read: What makes someone a Hyderabadi—Irani chai, biryani, Nizam nostalgia, or Dakhni? Bazaars, Boats & Buildings The human figure was not the only object of fascination. The city's monuments, too, featured prominently in this visual archive. A series of postcards from the early 20th century turns its gaze toward Hyderabad's architectural grandeur, most notably the Charminar, the Golconda Fort, and the Mecca Masjid. Each of these postcards, whether of streets, mosques, palaces, or tombs, offers a distinct image of the city. Hyderabad, The Char Minar by Johnston & Hoffmann (Kolkata, c. 1903), for instance, is less about the iconic monument itself and more about the bustling bazaars and the sea of curious onlookers that fill the frame. The bustling bazaars of Hyderabad form the subject of Street at Hyderabad by Unknown Publisher, c. 1905, and the famous Sarojini Naidu poem that reads: 'What do you sell, O ye merchants? Richly your wares are displayed. Turbans of crimson and silver, Tunics of purple brocade, Mirrors with panels of amber, Daggers with handles of jade.' – Sarojini Naidu, In the Bazaars of Hyderabad In The Mosque of Machii-Kaman by Austrian artist Josef Hoffmann, the stock elephant and the lively figures in the courtyard animate the centre of the frame. Possibly the earliest known postcard of Hyderabad, it was created by Hoffmann during his visit to India in 1893–94, when he was in his sixties. In contrast, the postcard titled Tombs at Golconda, Hyderabad adopts a more pastoral tone: a boat gently approaching the rocky shore, softening the memory of empire into picturesque leisure—into a scenic tourist fantasy. These postcards draw a picturesque theatre of the exotic. Hyderabad becomes a living museum, ready for the European gaze and imagination. What then remains of these images, more than a century later? For all their colonial underpinnings, they also inadvertently preserve a trace of local memory: a glimpse of a street, a face, a forgotten name. To read these postcards today is to inhabit a complicated temporality—one in which the empire looks, but we, too, look back. This essay, then, is not an attempt to salvage truth from image, nor to dismantle colonial visuality in totality. These postcards may have once said, 'I have been here,' but today they ask instead, 'What was here—and for whom?' (Note: All postcards have been sourced from online blogs and archives. The following set is drawn from Paper Jewels, a free-access postcard collection: Miss Chanda of Hyderabad; Arms Sellers, Nizam von Hyderabad; The Char Minar; In the Mosque of Machii-Kaman; Tombs at Golconda, Hyderabad; James Bazaar Street, Secunderabad; and Street at Hyderabad.) Souvik Nath recently completed a Master's degree in English Literature from the University of Hyderabad. His research interests centre on colonial modernity and its textual manifestations. Views are personal. (Edited by Ratan Priya)

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