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Nadine Menendez, wife of disgraced NJ Sen. Bob Menendez, found guilty in sweeping bribery case

Nadine Menendez, wife of disgraced NJ Sen. Bob Menendez, found guilty in sweeping bribery case

Yahoo21-04-2025

NEW YORK — Nadine Menendez was found guilty on Monday of acting as the partner in crime of her convicted husband, ex-Democratic New Jersey Sen. Bob Menendez, by brokering backdoor bribery deals that saw the couple showered in gold bullion bars, wads of cash, and a Mercedes-Benz convertible.
Jurors, who got the case Friday, convicted Nadine of 18 counts, including conspiracy to commit bribery, conspiracy to commit honest services fraud, conspiracy to commit extortion, and obstruction of justice. The conviction carries a potential decades-long term.
The 58-year-old, known as Nadine Arslanian before she wed the embattled former lawmaker in 2020, was indicted alongside her husband in September 2023 on charges alleging she arranged a series of deals between her husband and a trio of New Jersey businessmen from 2018 through 2023, putting a price on his power as a senator and as chair of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee.
Last July Menendez was found guilty of acting as a foreign agent, bribery, and other offenses and in January was sentenced to 11 years in prison, a term he's set to begin serving on June 6 after reporting to the Bureau of Prisons.
The ex-senator raked in almost half a million dollars in cash, $150,000 worth of gold bars, a luxury convertible for Nadine, designer watches, and Formula 1 tickets from his corrupt benefactors in exchange for pulling strings for them behind the scenes, jurors at both trials heard. The couple's co-defendants, Wael Hana, 41, who ran a Halal certification business, and real estate developer Fred Daibes, 67, were also found guilty of related charges alongside Bob Menendez at his 2024 trial. The third co-conspirator, N.J. businessman Jose Uribe, cooperated in exchange for leniency.
Among other actions, Menendez coerced the highest levels of New Jersey state law enforcement to squash a criminal probe into Uribe and an associate, took bribes from Daibes to meddle in a pending federal prosecution against him in the Garden State, and pocketed bribes from Hana to pressure the U.S. Department of Agriculture to let him maintain an exclusive monopoly over U.S. exports of Halal products to Egypt.
The fraud came to light after FBI agents searched the couple's Englewood Cliffs, N.J., home in the summer of 2022 and turned up more than $100,000 worth of gold bars and over $480,000 in cash stashed away in closets, jackets embroidered with Menendez's name, and envelopes bearing Menendez and Daibes' fingerprints, according to trial evidence.
At Nadine's trial, the feds argued she played a crucial role in the scheme, acting as a go-between by keeping him in the loop and urging him to carry out the businessmen's requests. Her case was delayed while she underwent treatment for breast cancer, undergoing a double mastectomy while her husband went on trial last year.
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Cuomo's election loss reveals onetime kingmaker NYC unions now toothless ‘paper tigers'
Cuomo's election loss reveals onetime kingmaker NYC unions now toothless ‘paper tigers'

New York Post

time27 minutes ago

  • New York Post

Cuomo's election loss reveals onetime kingmaker NYC unions now toothless ‘paper tigers'

The biggest loser in the Democratic primary race for mayor besides Andrew Cuomo is New York's weakened labor movement. Cuomo's Big Labor muscles were exposed as nothing but 'paper tigers' without bite, according to longtime political strategists and even people active in the union movement. 'Clearly, the support of some of the largest NYC unions for Cuomo, which he very prominently showcased in the debates and elsewhere, did not do much for the former governor (nor for the unions themselves),' Johsua Freeman, a labor historian and professor at the CUNY Graduate Center, wrote to The Post. Advertisement 9 Andrew Cuomo's Big Labor muscles were exposed as nothing but 'paper tigers' without bite. Getty Images 'Also, the membership in some unions is less mobilized and engaged in political action than in earlier years. 'In some respects, the impressive DSA field operation has moved into the void,' Freeman said, referring to the Democratic Socialists of America party that includes primary-race winner Zohran Mamdani. Advertisement Mamdani and his army of thousands of passionate volunteers — including many DSA members — outworked the network of unions that Cuomo relied upon to get out the vote. 9 'The membership in some unions is less mobilized and engaged in political action than in earlier years,' Freeman said. Erik Pendzich/Shutterstock It turned out Mamdani didn't need the unions, and it's clear from the results that at least some rank-and-file union members defied their leadership and voted for the two-term Queens state assemblyman — just as many union households voted for Republican President Trump last year. The city's 8-1 matching funds for small donations also make candidates less reliant on union cash, Freeman noted, while others pointed to large funding from 'independent' Super PACs backing candidates as making labor unions less relevant. Advertisement 'The unions were paper tigers,' a veteran labor associate said. 'Their get-out-the-vote operations are diminished. They've been living off past success.' 9 Mamdani and his army of thousands of passionate volunteers outworked the network of unions that Cuomo relied upon to get out the vote. Getty Images Cuomo was endorsed by the heart of Big Labor — Service Employees International Union Local 1199 representing health care workers, Local 32 BJ for building workers, the Hotel Trades and Gaming Council, the firefighter unions, Teamsters Local 237 and the entire network of the hardhat construction trade unions. 'Big Labor endorsed Cuomo but did not seem particularly enthusiastic about him, certainly compared to Mamdani's supporters' enthusiasm level,' said CUNY political science professor John Mollenkopf. Advertisement 'They also did not seem to mount a particularly strong canvassing and GOTV [Get Out The Vote], which they are capable of doing under the right circumstances,' he said of the unions. 9 The city's 8-1 matching funds for small donations also make candidates less reliant on union cash, Freeman noted. Erik Pendzich/Shutterstock Meanwhile, Big Labor's membership rolls are shrinking. Union membership in New York City has fallen in recent years: In 2024, only about 20% of all wage and salary workers in the city were union members, down from around nearly one quarter a decade ago. Another challenge in terms of GOTV efforts is the fact that many more union members don't reside in the city as they did decades ago — particularly in the construction trades, among uniformed officers and even in the unions with lower-paid workers, sources said. 9 In 2024, only about 20% of all wage and salary workers in the city were union members, down from around nearly one quarter a decade ago. New York Post 'If you have less and less members and more and more of them live outside New York City, their ability to mobilize large groups of their members has dramatically cratered and shows no sign of slowing down,' a veteran labor insider said. Former Gov. David Paterson, a Cuomo supporter, said, 'The unions don't work like they did years ago for a candidate. Advertisement 'There was not a lot of street activity.' 9 Many more union members don't reside in the city as they did decades ago — particularly in the construction trades. AFP via Getty Images It wasn't just Cuomo who was hurt by the unions' dwindling influence. District Council 37, the union representing the largest number of city municipal workers, backed losing Council Speaker Adrienne Adams for mayor, though they ranked Mamdani second. Advertisement The United Federation of Teachers, whose membership was divided, sat out the race. 9 Former Gov. David Paterson, a Cuomo supporter, said, 'The unions don't work like they did years ago for a candidate.' AP Transport Workers Union President John Samuelsen — who appeared at a pro-Mamdani campaign rally touting the candidate's free-bus-fare plan days before the primary — said many labor leaders, along with the city Democratic Party establishment, made a calculated decision that Cuomo would win. 'The Democratic Party establishment got demolished,' Samuelsen said. Advertisement Unions that backed Cuomo or were neutral in the primary are now shifting to Mamdani while others are considering backing incumbent Mayor Eric Adams, who is running for re-election as an independent. 9 'The Democratic Party establishment got demolished,' Samuelsen said. Getty Images Local 32 BJ, the Hotel Trades and Gaming Council and the state Nurses' Association have already joined Mamdani. Some labor sources whose unions backed Cuomo took issue with criticism that they didn't work hard and instead blamed the candidate for running a lackluster campaign. Advertisement 'You need a general in charge to win,' a pro-Cuomo union insider said. 'You can't win with a ghost.' 9 'You need a general in charge to win,' a pro-Cuomo union insider said. 'You can't win with a ghost.' Erik Pendzich/Shutterstock Austin Shafran, a spokesman for HTC and 32 BJ, said unions assist but don't run a candidate's campaign. 'The best unions provide high-quality, supplemental support that help push good campaigns over the finish line. But core field infrastructure for citywide campaigns needs to be owned by campaigns themselves,' he said. He said the unions did a good job in pulling out the Cuomo vote in The Bronx and southeast Queens, areas they focused on and where the ex-governor performed well. .

A $40 million flameout in New Jersey's race for governor puts scrutiny on teachers union
A $40 million flameout in New Jersey's race for governor puts scrutiny on teachers union

Politico

time40 minutes ago

  • Politico

A $40 million flameout in New Jersey's race for governor puts scrutiny on teachers union

TRENTON, New Jersey — New Jersey's most politically influential union funneled more than $40 million into this year's race for governor — only to land with a fifth-place finish. Now, its political instincts are in question. The New Jersey Education Association made its largest investment in a campaign to support its president, Sean Spiller, in his longshot bid for the governor's mansion. No other special interest group has ever spent as much in state history to promote a single candidate, a sign of an increase of big money in state races following the U.S. Supreme Court's Citizens United decision. Spiller struggled to raise his own funds — so much so that he didn't qualify for debates in the Democratic primary. He largely offloaded his campaign infrastructure to a super PAC backing his candidacy, Working New Jersey, which was funded indirectly by the union. The super PAC's spending is among the most an independent expenditure group has dropped in a gubernatorial election nationwide. Publicly, many lawmakers and union members are hesitant to speak out against the NJEA, which remains in a class of its own when it comes to political influence and has about 200,000 members across the state. But in the aftermath of a multimillion-dollar debacle, some in Trenton are starting to question the union's political prowess. Democratic state Sen. Vin Gopal, chair of the Senate Education Committee, called the spending 'concerning' and said that he's 'talked to a lot of the teachers here in Monmouth [County] and they're pretty frustrated.' 'I think the strength of the NJEA will be questioned after these election results,' Gopal said. 'How does it not?' The bet was that if union turnout was high, Spiller would be able to eke out a win. Spiller ended up earning 10 percent of the vote, a distant fifth behind Rep. Mikie Sherrill (D-N.J.), who won the nomination with 34 percent. But he earned close to 30,000 more votes than former state Senate President Steve Sweeney — a foe of the NJEA in a previous campaign. It's not the first time the union has lost a pricey gamble. In 2017, the union spent around $5 million to oust Sweeney — which at the time was considered the most expensive state legislative race in American history. The effort was unsuccessful and Sweeney won by 17 points against his Republican opponent. One former high-level NJEA official, granted anonymity to talk freely about their former employer, said that the millions spent 'didn't seem like a good investment' and could impact its ability to advocate for teachers in Trenton. 'The NJEA leadership's credibility I believe has been diminished as it relates to going into the Statehouse and fighting for issues for the association,' the person said, adding that local education associations' 'power remains the same.' A more complete picture of the union's spending will not be available until June 30, when the latest campaign finance reports covering the final two weeks of the primary are due. But as of May 27, Working New Jersey received $40 million from Garden State Forward, a separate group funded exclusively by the NJEA. Working New Jersey spent $37 million of that as of last month. Garden State Forward also sent $8 million to another pro-Spiller group, Protecting Our Democracy, that was boosting him last year. The NJEA's investment was the largest amount of spending by a single entity (excluding self-funded candidates and wealthy individuals) in a gubernatorial race from 2010 — when the U.S. Supreme Court ruled on Citizens United, which opened the floodgates for unlimited super PAC spending — through 2024, according to an analysis of state-level spending from American Promise, a nonprofit that advocates for a constitutional amendment to allow limits on political spending. It's been more than a decade since the Citizens United ruling. Though it applied to federal political spending, it has also virtually eliminated state efforts imposing restrictions on super PACs. 'New Jersey didn't choose to have a campaign system like this,' said Jeff Clements, CEO of American Promise. 'It was imposed by lawyers in the Supreme Court. It only gets worse until we fix the constitutional problem the court created.' Still, there are attempts to diminish super PACs' influence. New York City has increased its coordination rules, which cracks down on candidates' efforts to signal to these outside groups. Public financing systems are also intended to curb big campaign donors. But although New Jersey does have a public financing program for gubernatorial candidates, which was implemented prior to Citizens United, it still led to massive outside spending this year. 'After Citizens United, you saw sort of a gradual uptick in big money in federal elections, and the states have been sort of catching up,' said Ian Vandewalker, senior counsel and manager of the elections and government program at the Brennan Center for Justice. 'So I think we're seeing the kind of the new heights of big money in the states, and that's not going to go away.' The NJEA's spending in the primary has even exceeded outside spending in congressional races, which are typically more expensive than state-level elections. The most spent by a single committee in independent expenditures for a primary was $19 million by Honor Pennsylvania, a super PAC that boosted now-Sen. Dave McCormick (R-Pa.) in the 2022 Senate primary, according to data compiled by OpenSecrets. Despite that heavy spending, McCormick lost in that primary. 'I think it was a very poorly calculated and piss-poor decision by the NJEA to blow that kind of money and the results prove that,' said John Napolitani, a local mayor and head of Asbury Park schools teachers' union. 'I don't even think the membership realized how much of their dollars were spent on this race, basically for a loss.' The union has previously pushed back on criticism about its political spending — particularly from the Sunlight Policy Center, an organization devoted to researching and countering the NJEA — as 'anti-union propaganda.' NJEA Secretary-Treasurer Petal Robertson in a statement to POLITICO condemned 'politicians who have gladly accepted significant financial support from NJEA members many times for their own campaigns' who have come out against the spending for Spiller. 'They never question why our members choose to support them,' Robertson said. 'They do often ask why we don't give more, so they aren't concerned about NJEA members investing in electoral advocacy. The concern only seems to arise when that investment goes to someone outside of the established political power structure. We know the usual naysayers, and they can continue with the same tired attacks, but we know our power and we own it.' At the Statehouse, some people see the investment in Spiller as business as usual. Democratic state Sen. Shirley Turner said that the union has long put its thumb on the scale in elections. 'You know, they do it all the time, it seems,' Turner, vice-chair of the Senate Education Committee, said in an interview. 'I don't know if this is any different than previously, they pick candidates, and they decide to support them in all ways, you know, including funding.' The union famously fought with Republican former Gov. Chris Christie — who likened the group to the mafia — during his eight years in office. That feud between the union and the right in New Jersey may carry on — Republican Jack Ciattarelli, his party's nominee for governor, accused Sherrill of rushing to 'suck up to the NJEA and embrace the guy who just lit $40 million of [teachers'] dues money on fire these past few months' in a recent social media post. 'What an insult to New Jersey's hard-working educators,' Ciattarelli added. Sherrill's campaign declined to comment when asked her thoughts on the NJEA's spending in the primary. It's common for teachers unions around the country to engage in political spending, though rarely to the extent of the NJEA. Notably in 2023, the Chicago Teachers Union spent more than $2 million to get its member and organizer Brandon Johnson into the mayorship. On the federal level, from 2023-2024, the National Education Association dropped $32 million on political spending (primarily to liberal groups), making it the top spender among teachers unions, according to OpenSecrets. The NJEA blew past that total in a state-level race in just a couple of months. The NJEA had a Herculean task in uplifting Spiller, who struggled to solidify his lane in the six-person primary and faced controversy during his time as mayor of Montclair. Despite Spiller's second-to-last finish, election results suggest his message — and the union's big spending — resonated in pockets of the state. He unexpectedly won Camden — a major city in South Jersey — and won Cumberland County, a rural area that has been trending quickly towards Republicans. But in Montclair, he finished in fifth. Bob Russo, a former mayor and member of the town council, said Spiller's tenure as mayor did not make him beloved by the town's rank-and-file Democrats. 'He's really not embraced by his hometown. That's your base,' he said. 'It's a shame he couldn't get more support, but it's because of [his] policies and the conduct as mayor.' Spiller's tenure as president is up this August. He'll be succeeded by Steve Beatty, the union's current vice president. After Spiller's loss, Beatty and Robertson in a statement touted the 'unprecedented grassroots effort powered by thousands of member volunteers' and congratulated Sherrill. Beatty acknowledged that 'in a six-way race with five other well-known and well-funded candidates … there were always going to be five candidates who came up short.' He also said that endorsing Spiller ensured that issues important to the union 'were part of the conversation in the primary.' 'We are proud that Sean was right there in the race alongside those candidates with deeper ties to New Jersey's political and financial elites,' he continued. 'It says a lot about how hard our members fought to change the narrative around who is qualified to step up and lead.' Unions from different sectors also spent in the race in support of other candidates, though not as much as the NJEA. And while other Democrats did outraise Spiller, no other independent expenditure groups boosting his opponents had as many resources as Working New Jersey. As of the end of May, two groups supporting Rep. Josh Gottheimer spent more than $11 million, as did two groups backing Jersey City Mayor Steven Fulop, and super PACs backing Sherrill and Sweeney spent around $4 million each. Other union leaders stand by the multimillion-dollar decision. 'I do think it was worth it,' said Melissa Tomlinson, vice-president of the Atlantic County Council of Education Associations and a member of NJEA's state executive committee. 'We need our voices heard in decision-making spaces. It's not enough for us to just be lobbying.' The NJEA counts around 200,000 members, and it's evident that not even half of them voted for their union president, who received less than 90,000 votes. 'If you were to ask [teachers] 'Is this how you want your monies used' — for a sitting president to spend millions of dollars to run for governor — they would say no,' the former high-level NJEA official said. 'And how do I think they would say no? The numbers that did not vote for him on Election Day is proof.' The union has not yet determined how it will engage in the general election. Beatty said that 'NJEA members will consider who to support in November in all the races,' and both Ciattarelli and Sherrill will be invited to partake in the endorsement screening process. In past elections, the NJEA has been a prominent spender post-primary. The union has consistently endorsed Democrats for governor, and it doesn't appear that will change anytime soon. Ciattarelli supports policies like school vouchers, which are a non-starter for the union. When asked at a recent event if she would seek the NJEA's support, Sherrill told reporters that her 'door is open to everyone.' Throughout the primary, Spiller pushed back on criticisms about the union's spending, asserting that he was not in charge of how that money was spent. He also often argued that the union represents working-class people, as opposed to big-dollar donors. 'It's never about me,' Spiller said during the primary. 'This is about, how do we change systems? How do we fight for somebody who's gonna fight for working class folks? And that never stops.'

Republican Senator Thom Tillis of North Carolina won't run in 2026 after opposing Trump's bill
Republican Senator Thom Tillis of North Carolina won't run in 2026 after opposing Trump's bill

Boston Globe

timean hour ago

  • Boston Globe

Republican Senator Thom Tillis of North Carolina won't run in 2026 after opposing Trump's bill

Get Starting Point A guide through the most important stories of the morning, delivered Monday through Friday. Enter Email Sign Up Tillis, who would have been up for a third term, said he was proud of his career in public service but acknowledged the difficult political environment for those who buck their party and go it alone. Advertisement 'I look forward to having the pure freedom to call the balls and strikes as I see fit and representing the great people of North Carolina to the best of my ability,' Tillis said in a statement. Republicans hold a 53-47 edge in the Senate. Trump, in social posts, had berated Tillis for being one of two Republican senators who voted on Saturday night against advancing the massive tax bill. The Republican president accused Tillis of seeking publicity with his 'no' vote and threatened to campaign against him, accusing the senator of doing nothing to help his constituents after last year's devastating floods in western North Carolina from Hurricane Helene. Advertisement 'Tillis is a talker and complainer, NOT A DOER,' Trump wrote. The North Carolina Republican Party chairman, Jason Simmons, said the party wishes Tillis well and 'will hold this seat for Republicans in 2026.' Sen. Tim Scott of South Carolina, the chairman of the campaign arm for Senate Republicans, did not mention Tillis in a statement but said the party's winning streak in North Carolina will continue. Scott noted that Trump won the state three times. Democrats expressed confidence about their prospects. Former Rep. Wiley Nickel, who announced his candidacy in April, said he was ready for any Republican challenger. 'I've flipped a tough seat before and we're going to do it again,' Nickel said in a statement. Some said Tillis' decision is another sign of the dramatic transformation of the Republican Party under Trump, with few lawmakers critical of the president or his agenda remaining in office. It 'proves there is no space within the Republican Party to dissent over taking health care away from 11.8 million people,' said Lauren French, spokesperson for the Senate Majority PAC, a political committee aligned with the chamber's Democratic members. Tillis rose to prominence in North Carolina when, as a second-term state House member, he quit his IBM consultant job and led the GOP's recruitment and fundraising efforts in the chamber for the 2010 elections. Republicans won majorities in the House and Senate for the first time in 140 years. Tillis was later elected as state House speaker and helped enact conservative policies on taxes, gun rights, regulations and abortion while serving in the role for four years. He also helped push a state constitutional referendum to ban gay marriage, which was approved by voters in 2012 but was ultimately struck down by the courts as unconstitutional. Advertisement In 2014, Tillis helped flip control of the U.S. Senate to the GOP after narrowly defeating Democratic Sen. Kay Hagan. During his more than a decade in office, he championed issues such as mental health and substance abuse recovery, Medicaid expansion and support for veterans. As a more moderate Republican, Tillis became known for his willingness to work across the aisle on some issues. That got him into trouble with his party at times, most notably in 2023 when North Carolina Republicans voted to censure him over several matters, including his challenges to certain immigration policies and his gun policy record. 'Sometimes those bipartisan initiatives got me into trouble with my own party,' Tillis said, 'but I wouldn't have changed a single one.' Associated Press writers Lisa Mascaro and Joey Cappelletti in Washington and Makiya Seminera in Raleigh, North Carolina, contributed to this report.

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