
Investment risk for energy infrastructure construction is highest for nuclear power plants, lowest for solar
Between now and 2050, the International Energy Agency projects that more than $100 trillion will be spent on building net-zero energy infrastructure globally. Yet every single one of these projects runs the risk of higher-than-expected construction costs or time delays. Newer technologies introduced in the past decade, such as hydrogen or geothermal energy, are even more difficult to evaluate as government agencies, energy developers, utilities, investors, and other stakeholders decide which sustainable energy systems are best for future projects.
In a new state-of-the-art study, published in the journal Energy Research & Social Science , researchers at the Boston University Institute for Global Sustainability (IGS) found that runaway construction costs and delayed timelines stymie many energy projects. In fact, the average project costs 40% more than expected for construction and takes almost two years longer than planned, as the study showed.
Nuclear power plants are the worst offenders, with an average construction cost overrun typically twice as much as expected or more, and the most extreme time delays. To be exact, the average nuclear power plant has a construction cost overrun of 102.5% and ends up costing $1.56 billion more than expected.
Looking at newer net-zero options reveals higher risk as well. Hydrogen infrastructure and carbon capture and storage both exhibit significant average time and cost overruns for construction, along with thermal power plants relying on natural gas, calling into question whether these can be scaled up quickly to meet emission reduction goals for climate mitigation.
'Worryingly, these findings raise a legitimate red flag concerning efforts to substantially push forward a hydrogen economy,' says Benjamin Sovacool, lead and first author of the study, director of IGS, and professor of earth and environment. Read More D.C. Democrats seek antitrust probe of big oil and gas mergers
By contrast, solar energy and electricity grid transmission projects have the best construction track record and are often completed ahead of schedule or below expected cost. Wind farms also performed favorably in the financial risk assessment.
For Sovacool, the evidence is clear: 'Low-carbon sources of energy such as wind and solar not only have huge climatic and energy security benefits, but also financial advantages related to less construction risk and less chance of delays,' he says. 'It's further evidence that such technologies have an array of underrated and underappreciated social and economic value.'
Using an original dataset significantly larger and more comprehensive than existing sources, the study provides the most rigorous comparative analysis of construction cost overrun risks and time delays for energy infrastructure projects globally.
'Low-carbon sources of energy such as wind and solar not only have huge climatic and energy security benefits, but also financial advantages related to less construction risk and less chance of delays.'
The researchers compiled data on 662 energy infrastructure projects covering a diverse spectrum of technology classes and capacities, built between 1936 and 2024 across 83 countries, representing $1.358 trillion in investment. This includes emerging innovations such as geothermal and bioenergy, providing fresh insights into the cost dynamics of these recently commercialized technologies. In total, the study evaluated ten types of projects: thermoelectric power plants fueled by coal, oil, or natural gas combustion; nuclear reactors; hydroelectric dams; utility-scale wind farms; utility-scale solar photovoltaic and concentrated solar power facilities; high-voltage transmission lines; bioenergy power plants; geothermal power plants; hydrogen production facilities; and carbon capture and storage facilities.
Understanding what causes energy projects to go over budget and fall behind schedule — and when that tipping point occurs — is another important contribution of this global analysis. The study examined diseconomies of scale, construction delays, and governance factors to identify critical thresholds when project costs surge, helping to inform better risk management strategies.
'I'm particularly struck by our findings on the diseconomies of scale, with projects exceeding 1,561 megawatts in capacity demonstrating significantly higher risk of cost escalation,' says Hanee Ryu, second and corresponding author and a visiting researcher at IGS. 'This suggests that we may need to reconsider our approach to large-scale energy infrastructure planning, especially as we commit trillions to global decarbonization efforts.'
What this could mean, Ryu explains, is that smaller, modular renewable projects might not only bring environmental benefits, but also potentially reduce financial risk and offer better budget predictability.
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Politico
3 hours ago
- Politico
Trump has a plan to remake the housing-finance system. It's baffling to many lawmakers and experts.
GOP lawmakers and the mortgage industry are raising questions about the Trump administration's plans to maintain government control over much of the nation's housing finance system, defying expectations that it would back off. President Donald Trump surprised the industry late last month by pledging to take public Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac, the government-controlled companies that stand behind half the $16 trillion residential mortgage market — while preserving an implicit federal guarantee for their solvency. His top housing regulator, Bill Pulte, who oversees the companies, added to the confusion by saying the administration is exploring ways to sell shares while keeping the companies under government authority. The insistence on preserving significant sway over the two mortgage giants, which were seized by the Bush administration during the financial crisis and placed in conservatorship, is setting up a potential rift with Republicans — and possibly even some administration aides who have long worked to reduce the government's footprint in the housing market. 'I want to get them out of conservatorship,' said Sen. Mike Rounds (R-S.D.), chair of the Senate Banking subcommittee with oversight of Fannie and Freddie. 'But I want to be very careful about how we do it, because we need the secondary market, and we need it to work,' he added, referring to the market where mortgage loans are purchased and sold to investors. Rep. Andy Barr (R-Ky.), a member of the House Financial Services Committee, said 'we need to continue to investigate recapitalization and releasing' the companies from government control. The question of what to do with Fannie and Freddie has bedeviled policymakers for decades, with Republicans wanting the government to take its hands off housing finance and Democrats fearing that privatizing the firms would destabilize the market and push up mortgage rates. At stake is a potential windfall of hundreds of billions of dollars for an administration that is staring at massive fiscal deficits. The government holds a roughly $340 billion liquidation preference for the two companies, by one estimate — meaning the money would go to the Treasury Department before anyone else in the event of a sale. Pulte, the director of the Federal Housing Finance Agency, will meet with Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent and Securities and Exchange Commission Chair Paul Atkins on June 17 to discuss the future of Fannie and Freddie, underscoring the importance of the issue. Fannie and Freddie don't make loans themselves, but rather purchase them from mortgage companies and bundle them into securities to sell on the secondary market, freeing up the lenders to make more loans. That, plus the government guarantee, helps keep mortgage rates down, supporters say. Trump was widely expected to support privatization, after his first administration worked to prepare the companies for their eventual release. But his latest comments look more like what former President Joe Biden would do, according to Jim Parrott, a nonresident fellow at the Urban Institute and a former economic adviser in the Obama White House. 'In the Biden administration, you could imagine a version of this,' Parrott said. 'The fact that we're hearing about it in this administration, I think, is catching folks by surprise.' The FHFA responded in an email that it is 'studying how, if the President elects to take Fannie and Freddie public, it can be done in the safest and soundest manner which includes keeping them in conservatorship.' It added: 'In any scenario, we will ensure the [mortgage-backed securities] market is safe and sound and that there is no upward pressure on rates.' White House deputy press secretary Harrison Fields said the administration 'is committed to strengthening the Federal Housing Finance Agency to advance the President's mission of restoring the dream of homeownership for all Americans.' Keeping Fannie and Freddie in conservatorship, according to one shareholder, amounts to attaching 'training wheels' as the government figures out how to monetize its stake. 'I think Pulte has probably confused people more than anything with his message,' said Tim Pagliara, a shareholder and author of the book 'Another Big Lie: How the Government Stole Billions from the American Dream of Home Ownership and Got Caught!' 'So the idea, for example, of allowing these entities to operate in conservatorship is a strategy that they probably talked about with the investment bankers on their primary concern, which is mortgage rates going up,' he added. 'It's like putting training wheels on a bike.' The administration's pronouncements have perplexed housing finance analysts who are unsure of what a scheme to take the companies public while keeping them in conservatorship would look like — or whether there would be sufficient investor appetite to make it worthwhile. JPMorgan strategists wrote in a note that they were 'flummoxed' by the comments. 'It's just hard to imagine why anybody would think there would be strong investor interest in that kind of model, unless the government were to convey they were going to run the [government-sponsored enterprises] in a way that's investor-friendly, and I think we're a long way off from that,' Parrott said. David Dworkin, president and CEO of the National Housing Conference, a stakeholders' group, agreed. 'The most important element of a successful stock sale is a board that is truly independent and has a fiduciary responsibility to shareholders,' he said. 'Under conservatorship, that is actually not even allowed. So, without an independent board with a fiduciary responsibility to the shareholders, there is no value to the stock.' Still, he said, 'there are far too many comments coming from major players, including the president of the United States, to avoid the conclusion that major action on conservatorship could be in the very near future.' Another housing finance analyst, granted anonymity to frankly discuss the nascent plans, also expressed skepticism about the idea that investors would bite on purchasing shares in conservatorship, with the federal government still owning the vast majority of the asset. 'The direction of that control can change at the next election,' the analyst said. 'Each administration has already demonstrated they want to use Fannie and Freddie in different ways, so what are you investing in?' For the most part, Republican lawmakers are keeping their powder dry as they wait for additional details about the administration's plans. '[Senate Banking Committee] Chairman [Tim] Scott looks forward to hearing more' from Trump and Pulte on their plans for Fannie and Freddie, spokesperson Ben Watson said. Asked if conservatorship should end, Sen. John Kennedy (R-La.), a member of the Banking subcommittee with oversight of Fannie and Freddie, said, 'I don't know.' 'We're going to wait until the first quarter of 2026 to have that conversation,' said Rep. Mike Flood (R-Neb.), chair of the Financial Services housing subcommittee. 'Releasing them from conservatorship, that's one thing, but most of the folks I talked to still want the federal government on the hook.' The first Trump administration worked to build capital at the companies to prepare them for the end of conservatorship, an effort led by then-Treasury Secretary Steve Mnuchin and former Federal Housing Finance Agency Director Mark Calabria. Calabria has returned for Trump 2.0, now in a position with the White House Office of Management and Budget. Two key Treasury officials — Jonathan McKernan and Luke Pettit — also hail from the school of thought that Fannie and Freddie should be released from conservatorship. 'The Treasury Department has not really engaged on this yet — so it does not appear to me that the administration is very far into the analysis of options phase,' Parrott said. 'Until the Treasury Department really engages in any of this meaningfully, it's hard to know where all this lands.'


The Hill
19 hours ago
- The Hill
Creating tax reform that is both pro-work and pro-family
There is growing recognition among both Republicans and Democrats that American families deserve more support. Yet, for too many low-income Americans striving to build a better life for their families, key provisions of the federal tax code penalize hard work and marriage, creating barriers where there should be reward. The ongoing discussions about tax reform present an opportunity to introduce reforms that are both pro-work and pro-family. The Earned Income Tax Credit is one of the largest sources of support for low-income families, but it could be streamlined and paired with changes to the Child Tax Credit so that the two credits are better structured to accomplish the dual goals of rewarding work and providing income support to families with children. The Earned Income Tax Credit currently provides a maximum of $7,830 a year for qualifying families with three children. Families receive no money from the program if they have no earnings. The credit then increases at low levels of earnings to encourage work. It also increases as the number of children in the family goes from one to two to three. An unintended, undesirable feature of this design is that the 'pro-work' incentives of the Earned Income Tax Credit are stronger for families with more kids — exactly opposite to common sense ideas of family wellbeing. Families with more kids likely benefit from more parental time at home. In addition, because the earnings eligibility limits do not double for married couples, the Earned Income Tax Credit discourages marriage among working low-income parents and makes it harder for married couples to get ahead by adding a second earner. Such 'marriage penalties' are found throughout the tax code. Since the progressive U.S. tax code is applied to combined household income, couples who marry can be subject to a higher overall tax rate and potentially reduced government benefits. The Department of the Treasury estimates that in 2023, 37 percent of married couples filing jointly faced a marriage penalty. Although couples can legally file separately, they rarely do, as it also almost always leads to a higher tax burden and it precludes the claiming of many tax credits, including the Earned Income Tax Credit. According to research from the Federal Reserve Bank of Atlanta and Boston University, over 7 percent more low-income women with children would marry by age 35 without this marriage penalty. But it doesn't have to be this way. As Congress is poised to implement major changes to the U.S. tax system, we urge lawmakers to adopt a more coherent, pro-family approach to tax policy. The current tax debate presents a golden opportunity to address and modernize some of the system's most outdated features. We propose modifications to the two main federal tax credits affecting low-income families. Specifically, we propose a unified Earned Income Tax Credit that applies to any family with children. We scale the credit size and income eligibility for married couples so that fewer families see their benefits reduced when they marry or a spouse starts to work. To ensure that low-income families with children are not left worse off under these changes, we pair these Earned Income Tax Credit reforms with an expansion of the Child Tax Credit. The enhanced Child Tax Credit would provide greater support to families raising young children and help offset the rising costs of caregiving and childrearing. To ensure even the lowest-income children have access to support, families with no earnings are eligible for half of the proposed Child Tax Credit. Our proposal increases Child Tax Credit benefits quickly as parental earnings increase, providing an incentive for parents to enter the workforce. Our proposed changes prioritize low- and middle-income American families, with 58 percent of the increases in transfer payments going to families in the bottom two-thirds of the income distribution. These changes would update the U.S. tax code to be both pro-family and pro-work, supporting working parents, reducing marriage penalties, and providing impactful support to children in low-income households. At a time when there is growing bipartisan interest in better supporting children and working parents, these changes offer a clear path forward. With modest adjustments, we can create a tax system that promotes family stability, encourages workforce participation and helps more families build secure, thriving futures. Melissa S. Kearney director of The Aspen Economic Strategy Group and Luke Pardue is policy director of The Aspen Economic Strategy Group.

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Trump admin live updates: Crypto, Bibles, properties -- how Trump made $600M in 2024
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