King Abdullah II returns to Jordan after working visit to Saudi Arabia
His Majesty met with Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman bin Abdulaziz Al Saud, the prime minister of Saudi Arabia, in Neom on Monday.
The meeting, held at Neom Palace, covered the deep-rooted ties between Jordan and Saudi Arabia, as well as ways to enhance them in service of common interests and Arab causes.
The meeting also touched on current developments in the region, particularly the situation in Gaza and the West Bank.
Prime Minister Jafar Hassan, Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Minister Ayman Safadi, and Director of the Office of His Majesty Alaa Batayneh attended the meeting.
From the Saudi side, Governor of Tabuk Province Prince Fahd bin Sultan bin Abdulaziz, Minister of Sport Prince Abdulaziz bin Turki bin Faisal, Interior Minister Prince Abdulaziz bin Saud bin Nayef bin Abdulaziz, Minister of Defence Prince Khalid bin Salman bin Abdulaziz Al Saud, and a number of officials attended the meeting.
Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
Ammon
3 hours ago
- Ammon
Egypt to start training 5,000 Palestinian officers for postwar Gaza
Ammon News - Egyptian Foreign Minister Badr Abdelatty said on Wednesday that lists had been finalised for about 5,000 Palestinian officers to begin training in the country to help fill the security vacuum in a postwar Gaza Strip. Mr Abdelatty told local broadcaster DMC TV that Egypt was working with Jordan to prepare Palestinian police to manage and administer the war-ravaged enclave after Israel's war. Cairo will host an international conference for Gaza's reconstruction, during which Egypt's vision for administering the strip will be announced, he said. Despite no major breakthrough in ceasefire talks, there has been increasing speculation on postwar Gaza, with different plans and names circulated in Arab and Israeli media. Mr Abdelatty said an agreement had been reached on 15 prominent figures from Gaza to administer the enclave in the first six months. The Palestinian Authority was the only legitimate body to do so, he added. The broader plan for Gaza, adopted by the Arab League during a summit in Cairo in March, is for Hamas to step aside and a technocratic committee to take over for six months. Samir Hulileh, a US nominee to lead postwar-Gaza, told The National that the civilian transitional rule could last up to a year. 'This is a transitional phase which might last for six months or a year and it's not going to be long,' he said. Conditions for Mr Hulileh to implement his rule include a comprehensive ceasefire and the withdrawal of Israeli forces. The matter, currently being discussed in Egypt in co-operation with Qatar and the US, is being complicated by Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu reiterating plans to reoccupy the enclave and 'allow' Palestinians to leave. On Monday, Mr Netanyahu announced that the strip would be governed by a 'non-Israeli civilian administration' following the occupation of Gaza city.
Roya News
2 days ago
- Roya News
Iraq condemns Netanyahu's remarks on ‘Greater Israel' vision
Iraq's Foreign Ministry on Thursday strongly condemned statements made by 'Israeli' Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu regarding what he called the 'Greater Israel vision,' describing them as a clear indication of expansionist ambitions. In a press release, the ministry said Netanyahu's remarks constitute a blatant provocation against the sovereignty of states and a flagrant violation of international law and the UN Charter. It called for a clear and firm Arab and international stance to confront such policies. The statement added that these provocative remarks come amid the continued implementation of aggressive policies by 'Israeli' authorities and the perpetration of violations against the Palestinian people. It stressed that such practices, coupled with political rhetoric based on expansion and annexation, require effective action to put an end to the occupation's violations and halt the policy of impunity.
Ammon
2 days ago
- Ammon
The Dispossessed Generation
The book 'The Dispossessed Generation: Youth in the Middle East and North Africa', prepared by the Friedrich Ebert Foundation and recently published in Arabic by Dar Al Saqi, stands as a highly important and alarming research and analytical document. Its significance lies not only in presenting an accurate, data-driven portrait of Arab youth, but also in documenting a profound transformation in the relationship between this generation and its societies and states—a transformation that unfolded in the decade following a period of great hope, followed by defeat, and then exclusion. The choice of the term 'the Dispossessed generation' in the book's title is far from arbitrary. It reflects what can be described as structural deprivation—a pattern of exclusion that is not tied to a temporary political or economic circumstance, but to a deep-seated system that continually reproduces itself. This is the generation that, a decade ago, carried slogans of freedom, justice, and dignity, believing it stood on the threshold of a new era of liberties and democracy. Today, it finds itself facing a reality that is more closed and harsher than before. For most of these young people, the Arab Spring ended in double frustration: failure to achieve the major goals, and a worsening of the very crises they sought to resolve. The COVID-19 pandemic then deepened this frustration—economic activity stalled, unemployment rose, job opportunities shrank, and poverty indicators climbed. The uncertainty that the first surveys of the Ebert project identified five years ago has solidified into a persistent sense of blockage and fear of the future. In this context, the analysis presented through David Harvey's theoretical lens gains special relevance. According to Harvey, deprivation is not measured by the absence of resources per se, but by the presence of structural barriers that prevent individuals from accessing them—even if they exist. These barriers can be unjust laws, biased economic policies, or closed networks of interests that monopolize resources. In the Arab case, this structure manifests as a complex system of exclusion: a limited labor market concentrated in saturated or monopolized sectors, educational systems that fail to equip students with the needed skills, political opportunities that are almost entirely closed to genuine participation, and the absence of effective social safety nets. The result is a generation trapped—not because it lacks ambition or competence, but because it faces a system that prevents it from translating its abilities into reality. The gap between dreams and imagination on one hand, and the pressures of reality on the other, becomes even starker when viewed through Amartya Sen's concept of development as the ability to act and choose. Arab youth today, as the report's data reveals, lack this capability: they are not free to choose their way of life or future, but are instead forced to adapt to narrow options dictated by reality. More troubling still is that a growing number of young people are losing faith in democracy as a path to solutions, leaning instead toward the 'strongman' model that promises quick stability—even at the cost of freedoms. Yet this is a dangerous equation, for the absence of freedoms, social justice, and job opportunities is precisely what breeds instability and fuels social unrest. The report, which reflects the views of 12,000 young Arabs across 12 Arab countries and societies, warns that the deprived generation, if left to its fate, will seek exits outside the existing system: irregular migration on 'death boats,' joining extremist groups, or retreating into the worlds of drugs and addiction. These are not theoretical possibilities but trends confirmed by the survey data, which show how frustration intersects with feelings of alienation from society and a lack of trust in institutions. While Arab states and societies are not identical in the scale or intensity of this crisis, nearly every country has its own story of a generation that feels its basic rights have been confiscated, living in an environment that prevents it from achieving self-realization. Differences in detail do not erase the existence of a shared structural danger that transcends borders and threatens the region's long-term stability. We are facing a reality more perilous than that which preceded the Arab Spring—not only because of eroding trust or deepening crises, but because we are dealing with an entire generation that feels broken and suspended, with its future confiscated before it could even begin. And if this reality is not enough to awaken those in power, then what awaits us may be even more severe than anything described in the report.
