‘The Trumpian model': Richard Roxburgh takes on Australia's most provocative politician
Trawling through reams and reams of archival footage – news clips, interviews, amateur films of political protests in Brisbane during Joh Bjelke-Petersen's near-20-year reign as premier, 'I was finding footage of Brisbane in the '60s and '70s and into the '80s, stuff I vividly remember. I wouldn't call it therapeutic, but it was a strange feeling going back in time and reliving that part of my life.'
Stenders and I were students together at the University of Queensland in the mid-1980s, a time when the cronyism and corruption and coercion of Bjelke-Petersen's National Party-led government seemed immovable. The police force was an instrument of his rule, used to intimidate anyone who didn't fit Bjelke-Petersen's narrow view of what an 'an ordinary, decent citizen' might look like (homosexuals, people of colour, creative types and the Left in general were all fair game). Laws and political boundaries were rewritten to further his dominance and agenda, democracy and civil liberties trampled under jackbooted foot.
On the upside, the Queensland economy boomed, driven by coal mining and clear felling of native forest and migration north from other states (the abolition of death duties was a major drawcard).
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And there were enough who bought into the myth of the maverick peanut farmer from Kingaroy, who left school at 14, as some kind of political and economic savant that a campaign to have him installed as the Coalition's man in Canberra – 'Joh for PM' – had serious traction for long enough to cruel John Howard's tilt in 1987 and hand the Lodge back to Bob Hawke.
Does any of this sound familiar, even if you know nothing about Bjelke-Petersen? Stenders thinks it should.
'The reason I wanted to do this film was the elephant in the room, which is the relevance of the story now, the prescience of it,' he says. 'The playbook that Joh played from is very much the same one Netanyahu is using, that Trump's using, that various populist leaders around the world are drawing from. So it just felt like a really timely documentary, and the right time to go back and look at Joh's legacy and work out what's changed and what hasn't.'
One of the most shocking things about the Bjelke-Petersen era – for those of us who experienced it firsthand, at any rate – is how little the rest of the country knew about what was going on, at least until Chris Masters ' The Moonlight State report for Four Corners and the subsequent Fitzgerald Inquiry into corruption blew the lid off it all.
Richard Roxburgh grew up at the same time, in rural NSW, but had little sense of the man he would go on to play in Stenders' film. 'I was a long way away from it, so I guess we were shielded from it,' he says.
Of course, he did come to understand the craziness of that time. But for many others, it has faded, or simply never been spoken of – and given the current state of the world, that's far from ideal.
'You'll speak to a 30-year-old who has never heard of Joh Bjelke-Peterson, and so I think this is really important, because there is so much of the Trumpian model, a kind of pre-echo of many of the conditions that we're seeing now – the ever-revolving door of crackdowns and their growth over time, the way one quietly leads to another, which quietly leads to another,' says Roxburgh. 'And you end up in a state where anybody who felt slightly different either had to be prepared to have their heads staved in with batons, or to just get on the highway and head out of there.'
Roxburgh has become something of a go-to man for portrayals of men from recent Australian history.
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'I've got a theory that he's going to play every famous Australian before he dies,' jokes Stenders, who recently directed him in The Correspondent, his film about journalist Peter Greste, who spent more than a year in an Egyptian prison.
He's played Bob Hawke (twice), crooked copper Roger Rogerson (also twice), Ronald Ryan, the last man hanged in Australia, composer Percy Grainger, Bali bombing investigator Graham Ashton and more. Is there anyone left for you to do?
'I've done it,' he says, unequivocally. 'That's it now.'
You don't fancy playing Tony Abbott, perhaps?
'You know, I wouldn't mind having a crack,' he admits, despite his better judgment. 'I can feel my mum rolling in her grave at the idea that I played Joe Bjelke-Petersen, but I think she would really respond to the documentary.'
His Bjelke-Petersen is not a full-on immersion in character. It's more an impression. He roams the stage of an empty theatre, dressed in an ill-fitting beige suit, ruminating on his life and times and – to his mind – unjust downfall in that halting, stuttering, circumlocutory way of his. He gets the voice spot on.
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'It's all based around the idea of Joh's final hours in office, where he actually barricaded himself in like Hitler in his bunker,' explains Stenders.
The monologues were written by novelist Matthew Condon, using a mix of Hansard transcripts, television interviews, and news reports. 'They're not verbatim,' says Stenders. 'They're a fusion of a number of sources.'
There are interviews, too, many with critics of Bjelke-Petersen, who died in 2005 aged 94, and the deeply entrenched corruption that flourished under his reign (though he faced court, he was not convicted, after his trial ended in a hung jury). But there are also those who speak in his defence – former Brisbane Lord Mayor Sally-Anne Atkinson, Nationals leader David Littleproud, independent MP Bob Katter – and who all insist, to paraphrase Bjelke-Petersen, 'there's nothing to see here' when it comes to those pesky claims of wrongdoing.
Though there's balance, Stenders feels the film is 'pretty unequivocal' in terms of being a cautionary tale.
'Joh did some pretty provocative and divisive things that are undeniable,' he says. 'He was complicit in a corrupt government, I think that's undeniable. But at the same time, I didn't want to paint him – as I think a lot of people did back then, and I did myself – as a fool, as a clown, as an idiot. Joh used that country bumpkin thing very much as a mask, as a facade. And he hid behind that, he used it to his advantage.'
People like Bjelke-Petersen may not have much by way of schooling, says Stenders, 'but these guys are actually super smart. They've got a ferocious kind of intelligence and a rat cunning and a strategic mind. And I realised that Joh wasn't the clown I thought he was, that he was actually a very skillful, albeit deceitful, leader.
'The film is trying to unpack and look at his legacy, look at the way he operated, look at the way he constructed himself as a politician. To change power, you first need to understand it.'
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ABC News
31 minutes ago
- ABC News
What previously hidden briefs tell us about the challenges facing the Albanese government
Briefs prepared for incoming ministers tell a story about government functions dealing with rising costs, international instability and increasing demand for services. The documents were prepared for new and returning ministers. Previously held inside the walls of government departments, they have been obtained by the ABC using the Freedom of Information (FOI) process. While people around Australia were starting to focus on the big questions of Election 2025 — Will my voting place have democracy sausages? Do I have enough snacks for the party? — public servants were busy at work. Many were preparing a "red book" to give to the minister of a Labor government or a "blue book" if the Coalition took power. (So far, no department has said in responses that it built a "teal book" in case of a hung parliament, despite that being the heavily tipped outcome ahead of the election). The documents give a sense of the challenges facing the department or sector, and how any election promises will be enacted. The report from the Murray-Darling Basin Authority unwittingly summarises many of the briefs when it assesses the issues facing it: The documents are heavily redacted (blacked out) to avoid "deliberative" material that goes to speculation. The reason for this is based on court decisions, and the words of the Australian Financial Security Authority are echoed in many of the responses from departments. "Incoming government briefs (IGBs) play an important role in the Australian system of responsible parliamentary government … to enable and facilitate a smooth transition from one government to another," it reads. The brief is prepared for a readership of one: the new minister. "If it is known that the brief will be disclosed publicly under the FOI Act, there is a risk that it will be tailored to a different audience or with different interests in mind. "This could compromise the quality and value of the brief and make it less relevant to its specific circumstance." To avoid "political controversy or [be] required publicly to defend the advice provided" could lead to a brief only including "bland material that will not raise concern" and "be replaced by oral briefings to the new Minister." Essentially, most departments redact the most contentious issues but still leave behind breadcrumbs that allow us to divine what is going on. This graph from the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade (DFAT) is surrounded by three completely blank pages. But the blue and yellow lines tell the story. The Fair Work Commission details another consistent theme that arises from the documents: we're doing more with less. "The Commission's operating revenue from government for 2025-26 is $111 million, which is $48,000 or 0.04 per cent [more] compared to the 2024-25 budget," it notes. It lists approximately 30 new functions and jurisdictions it has taken on between 2022 and 2025, as well as "consistent increases in lodgements in pre-existing jurisdictions". The 2023-24 financial year was one of the FWC's busiest on record, it notes, both by the volume of applications and their complexity. To clarify, that is the industrial umpire saying it will struggle to do what's expected of it without an additional injection of cash. One of the new roles government has asked it to take on is watching over the construction and general division of the CFMEU. A form on the FWC website can take in information about the controversial body, currently controlled by administrators, and as of March 30, 2025, it has received 932 responses. The general manager engaged with the administrators regarding 26 reports relating to allegations of misconduct by CFMEU employees, delegates and organisers. But government is much more than just regulating and watching over: The National Capital Authority is busy putting a spa on Lake Burley Griffin! Floating Sauna Lake Burley Griffin will commence operation of a floating sauna in the Yarralumla Beach area in late June or July. It will complement the seaplane services that now operate from the lake. The Department of Climate Change, Energy, the Environment and Water has some big jobs to do. But a startlingly falling budget to deal with them. "Departmental funding for the environment and water portfolio decreases from $884 million in 2024-25 to $528 million in 2028-29," the brief reads, noting that it does not include the budget for Parks Australia (which looks after parks including Uluru and Kakadu). "Administered funding decreases from $670 million in 2024-25 to $477 million in 2028-29, primarily driven by terminating programs." There is no detail on what surrounds almost $7 billion in funding, with the FOI officer ruling it to be "deliberative". Corporate regulator ASIC has had a big few years, massively ramping up enforcement after being shamed as a "light touch" regulator in the banking royal commission six years ago. And has some ideas for the new government. But we can not tell you what they are. Three pages each of "opportunities for reform" and "opportunities for investment" are completely redacted. One thing we do know — super funds are not out of the woods yet, with more scrutiny to come. After a warning letter about "the level of service that Australians quite reasonably expect from a large financial institution", there is more. There is also a "pulse check" with regulator APRA to "promote an uplift in industry practice". Sections on insider trading and ongoing litigation against Star Casino and its former directors and officers are heavily redacted. It probably says something about the narrowly focused election that many bodies, such as the National Health and Medical Research Council (NHMRC), did not prepare different "books" depending on which party took office. It is not that they thought Labor was a lock to continue in government, just that the different parties were not putting up policy suggestions so substantial they would require separate analysis of a different path taken. "Please note that no other incoming government briefs, or alternate versions (eg, 'red book', 'blue book' etc.), were prepared by NHMRC in 2025," the letter explaining the decision said. A lot is redacted. For example, the NHMRC puts forward "three proposals for your consideration and discussion, as outlined below". Here is what they look like. But the agency is looking at "clinical practice guidelines for the care of trans and gender diverse people under 18 with gender dysphoria" as well as "clinical guidelines for myalgic encephalomyelitis/chronic fatigue syndrome (ME/CFS), long COVID and related conditions". As if it needed to be said, "the issue is highly topical and has generated significant political debate, both nationally and internationally. Active stakeholder groups and individuals within organisations hold polarised views and frequently contact the NHMRC and the Minster's office". Broader issues in research stem from an Australian National Audit Office (ANAO) finding in regard to NHMRC's control of external fraud risks. "Some individuals seek to conflate the ANAO's findings … with their concerns about the management of research misconduct or research quality. The Department of Agriculture, Fisheries and Forestry put in the work in case the Coalition won government, but the FOI request to see that document was denied. Exports are heavily affected by the turmoil injected into global markets since US President Donald Trump's decisions to put tariffs (taxes) on goods and services from other countries, and the danger of an expanding conflict in the Middle East. "You will be overseeing the sector during a period of significant global volatility and uncertainty driven by factors that are beyond the capacity of our industries to manage alone," it said. "Past success does not guarantee future results. "The era of trade liberalisation and the rules-based order is under unprecedented threat, making it increasingly difficult to anticipate and respond to disruptions. "Non-tariff barriers have been increasing over the past decade, and tariffs are also back on the table." Beyond commodity prices and the trading environment, the other "unknowable" in agriculture is the weather. The brief details how climate change is "driving an increase in climate variability and natural disasters". While the whole of government is working to manage drought conditions, "building industry resilience is the best way to mitigate impacts and minimise costs" to industry and taxpayers, the department advises. We do not yet know the financial impact of reducing the number of international students. Back in August 2024, Universities Australia chief executive Luke Sheehy told a Senate inquiry that the number of student visas being granted had already dropped by 23 per cent — or almost 60,000 students — over the past year. He said the impact of 60,000 fewer international students arriving in Australia, according to recent data from Home Affairs, would represent a $4.3 billion hit to the economy and possibly tens of thousands of job losses. The precise costs and risks of reducing international student enrolments are redacted. This summation seems fair: "This commitment received significant coverage from media and stakeholders throughout 2024, citing challenges to providers' ability to undertake research and teaching and learning activities if revenue from international students is lost." The Murray-Darling Basin Authority has a sprawling mandate, managing a living system across New South Wales, Queensland, South Australia, Victoria and the Australian Capital Territory. It is going to cost more. "A range of new external drivers that impact the work of the MDBA will result in increased budgetary pressures as departmental appropriations reduce over the forward estimates," the brief writes. When it comes to Water Resource Plans (WRPs), four of NSW's 20 have been withdrawn because "the Authority considers that NSW's engagement with the Gomeroi peoples could be improved". The plans are legal instruments about how the water will be managed. "There is ongoing tension between some First Nations groups and the MDBA about how adequately the New South Wales WRPs identify First Nations peoples' objectives and outcomes for water resources based on their values and uses. Like an aging gen X parent trying to blast their offspring into independence, competition watchdog the ACCC has issued a plea to the minister — you need to get the Australian Energy Regulator (AER) out of here. In 2005, the AER had three staff. Now it has 450 and is the largest division of the ACCC. The competition watchdog has a lot going on. The new Food and Grocery Code came into effect in April, mandatory for retailers and wholesalers with more than $5 billion in annual revenue from wholesaling. Not that it is going to be easy to apply. The maximum (potential) penalty is now an astonishing 10 per cent of the previous year's turnover. There is also tension in the gas market, around credit card surcharges, and a massive shake-up of our merger laws. There is good news, too: the ACCC won $624 million in fines and penalties awarded by courts in 2023-24, more than 400 per cent up on the previous year. The Australian Financial Security Authority (AFSA) regulates the personal insolvency industry and the personal property security system. On the side, it also manages $450 million worth of confiscated criminal assets. But chill. New credit products and emerging technologies are introducing risks into the personal insolvency system. But low unemployment, better policies to deal with hardship and changing behaviour post-COVID — people talking to their institutions when in trouble — are making things better. Productivity is one of the nation's biggest economic challenges, and the government's economic think tank, the Productivity Commission (PC), is not mucking about. In just eight pages — compared to just one arm of the three-part Education Department's brief being 223 pages long — the PC lays it out. It recently received more than 500 ideas through a pitch process and consultations with industry groups, advocacy groups, peak bodies, consumer groups, unions, academia and government agencies. The aim is to come up with "practical and implementable productivity-enhancing reforms". The final report is due to government on December 12, 2025. Even with that happening, the PC has eight commissioned inquiries and studies, looking at everything from "opportunities in the circular economy" to "building a skilled and adaptable workforce". Apart from two commissioners in Brisbane, the rest are Melbourne-based. The Freedom of Information (FOI) process is a way you can find out about things happening inside state and federal government departments and agencies. The ABC has submitted applications to far more agencies than have been reported in this article, with some due to release documents in the coming weeks. Most FOI applications are for the details of individuals' dealings with these agencies. You can find out how to apply by searching for "FOI" on government websites. Costs may be imposed. Of the more than 60 applications the ABC made to federal departments and agencies after the election, only AusTrade sought payment from the media for processing the information.

Sky News AU
an hour ago
- Sky News AU
Australia must send 'clear message' to China and 'stand' with United States on Taiwan position, claims Pauline Hanson
One Nation leader Pauline Hanson has said Australia must be on the same page as the United States in the event of an invasion of Taiwan by China. Prime Minister Anthony Albanese on Friday wrapped up his second diplomatic trip to China where he held talks with President Xi Jinping, Premier Li Qiang and other senior leaders. The Prime Minister's visit comes as Taiwan conducts its largest ever defence drills and live-fire exercises, which the island holds annually in preparation of a possible Chinese invasion. One Nation leader Pauline Hanson and former Speaker of the House of Representatives Bronwyn Bishop joined Rowan Dean on Friday night for Sky News Australia's program The World According to Rowan Dean. The latest episode is available to watch now, and new episodes are out every Friday, for subscribers. During his China visit, Mr Albanese reiterated Australia's support for "the status quo" as he was was quizzed by reporters on the government's position regarding Taiwanese independence. However, the Coalition fears Labor has shown weakness on the matter as the Opposition claimed "peace through deterrence is incredibly important" regarding Taiwan. In an interview on The World According to Rowan Dean on Friday night, Ms Hanson said Australia must "stand by America" in the scenario of a Chinese invasion of Taiwan. "We have the AUKUS agreement ... We need to be seen that we are supporting Taiwan, which is a democratic country, and should not be taken over by China," Ms Hanson said. "I think a clear message should be sent to China (that) we're not going to stand for it, and we will stand united with the United States, and hopefully they'll defend Taiwan being taken over from China." Ms Hanson's comments come after Shadow Defence Minister Angus Taylor denied a shift in the Coalition's stance on Australia's potential response to an invasion of Taiwan, pushing back on claims his recent comments represented a departure from long-held principles. Joining the panel debate on Friday night, former Speaker of the House of Representatives Bronwyn Bishop said Australia's statement on Taiwan should be "aligned with the United States". "I think the United States policy will probably remain pretty much the way it is, but that doesn't mean to say that there won't be ships, aircraft, all sorts of things put in to make sure that people know that there's an intent," she told host Rowan Dean. Earlier this week, Mr Albanese expressed support for the One China policy as he was asked about a local media report following his closed-door meeting with President Xi. "I agreed that Australia has had a long-standing bipartisan position that has supported the One China policy. That is our position," Mr Albanese said on Wednesday. "That's been the position of governments for a long period of time in Australia and is still the bipartisan position in Australia. "By definition, we don't support any unilateral action on Taiwan." Australia's interpretation of the One China policy - which recognises Beijing as the sole legal government of China - does not include acknowledging sovereignty over Taiwan, nor does it oppose Taiwanese independence. Mr Albanese's China trip comes amid heightened scrutiny over move to prioritise a second official visit to Beijing before he locks in a meeting with President Donald Trump in the US.


West Australian
2 hours ago
- West Australian
Michelle Grattan: Traps ahead on both sides of the new Parliament that opens next week
Anthony Albanese hasn't been in any rush to convene the new Parliament, which Governor-General Sam Mostyn will open on Tuesday. It's only mildly cynical to observe that governments of both persuasions often seem to regard having pesky members and senators around too much as a hindrance to business. Accountability is all very good in theory — facing it in practice is another matter. In this first fortnight of the new Parliament, however, much of the attention will be less on the Government than on the Opposition. Liberal leader Sussan Ley has handled her early weeks without tripping. But her critics hover like crows on the fence in lambing season. Angus Taylor, who narrowly lost the leadership ballot, retains his ambition. The right wing media wait for Ley's mistakes. Ley will need to maintain a strong grip on her team's messaging, especially on foreign and defence policy, or the Coalition will open itself to criticism. Taylor, now the defence spokesman, attracted attention this week when he went out on a limb on Taiwan, telling the ABC, 'we should have a joint commitment with them (the US) to the security of Taiwan'. Ley, who says she wants to avoid unrelenting negativity, must choose the Coalition's targets carefully. It has been presented with some useful fodder with the (inadvertently) leaked Treasury brief to the re-elected Government that urged the need for tax rises and spending cuts. This is manna from political heaven because it is on the Coalition's favoured economic ground, and raises issues for which the Government doesn't have immediate or clear-cut answers. As important as Ley's own performance will be, so will that of shadow treasurer Ted O'Brien. Taylor's handling of the job last term was a serious weakness for the Coalition. Facing a well-prepared and confident counterpart in Jim Chalmers, O'Brien must find his feet quickly. Sensibly, he has hired on his staff an experienced, credible economist, Steven Hamilton, who has been an assistant professor of economics at George Washington University in Washington DC. Hamilton has also been a regular contributor to The Australian Financial Review, so he has a feel for, and contacts in, the financial media. The Government has a mix of legislation to introduce in this initial fortnight. Albanese promised during the campaign that Labor's first cab off the rank would be its commitment to cut student debt by 20 per cent. It also foreshadowed early action to cement in penalty rates. It didn't anticipate having to rush in a bill to strip funding from childcare centres that do not meet safety standards. This follows the recent revelations of abuse. The first parliamentary fortnight comes in the run-up to the Government's August 19–21 productivity roundtable (named by Chalmers the 'economic reform roundtable'). With expectations inevitably exploding, observers will be watching closely the dynamics between the Treasurer and the Prime Minister in Parliament. The two agree that delivering election promises should be the floor, rather than the ceiling, of ambition for the second term. But their degrees of ambition differ. Chalmers fears Albanese's is limited; the Prime Minister fears his Treasurer's will overreach. Will Albanese show a restraining hand on the roundtable in the weeks before it? As the Government wants to emphasise delivery to voters in the early days of the Parliament, Chalmers hasn't rushed to seek the deal he needs with the Greens on his controversial changes to superannuation tax arrangements. The plan is to increase the tax on balances of more than $3 million, and tax the unrealised capital gains. The Greens will press changes — a compromise can be expected. That will be a relatively easy test for the Greens under their new leader Larissa Waters, who has also said she wants to be constructive while holding the Government to account. Later on, though, will come harder issues, including whether the Greens will sign up to a new environmental protection authority, stymied by political obstacles last term. In general, the Senate will be less complicated for the Government in coming months than last term, given the Greens hold the sole balance of power on legislation contested by the Opposition. That means things are more frustrating for other Senate crossbenchers. In his stand on staffing, Albanese is not improving their mood. Pauline Hanson's One Nation doubled its representation to four senators but has no extra staff. Staff allocation is up to the Prime Minister, who has once again been arbitrary about how many staff individual Senate crossbenchers receive. This is an unfair and indefensible system — there should be independent, consistent rules. ACT Senator David Pocock hasn't lost any staff but he has lost clout, compared with last term when his vote could be crucial and he was able to trade it for concessions from the Government. The new numbers deal him and other non-Green crossbenchers out of the game. In the House of Representatives, the teals retain strong representation but, as in the last parliament, they can only exert (limited) influence, not power. For a while early this year, when it looked as if there would be a hung parliament, they were preparing wish lists. One new teal will be sworn in next week, Nicolette Boele, who won the seat of Bradfield from the Liberals. She can't know, however, whether she will see out her term. The Liberals have challenged the result after she won by just 26 votes. The matter will be decided by the Court of Disputed Returns. There are three possible outcomes: the court confirms the result; the result is overturned and the seat awarded to Liberal candidate Gisele Kapterian (who was allowed to vote in the Liberal leadership and supported Ley); or a fresh election is ordered. The Liberals are taking some risk with the challenge. If there were a new election, and they lost it, that would be another setback for them and could destabilise Ley's leadership.