
Worse trade outcomes possible if uncertainty spreads globally, warns WTO
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New Delhi: Global goods trade posted a strong uptick in early 2025 but weakening export orders suggest that this momentum may not be sustained, the World Trade Organisation ( WTO ) Thursday said in its Goods Trade Barometer . The uptick was driven by importers frontloading purchases ahead of anticipated higher tariffs.The barometer rose to 103.5 up from 102.8 in March while the forward-looking new export orders index fell to 97.9 pointing to weaker trade growth later in the year. The barometer is a composite leading indicator for world trade, providing real-time information on the trajectory of merchandise trade relative to recent trends.Year-on-year growth in the world merchandise trade turned positive the fourth quarter of 2023 and strengthened in 2024 as falling inflation and lower interest rates boosted real incomes and consumption.'Year-on-year trade growth eased in the fourth quarter of 2024 but new trade volume indices set for release in July areexpected to show a rebound in Q1,' WTO said.The Global Trade Outlook and Statistics report of April predicted stable merchandise trade growth of 2.7% in 2025 under a low-tariff baseline scenario, and a decline of 0.2% in an adjusted forecast reflectinghigher tariffs and rising trade policy uncertainty 'Policy shifts since April have nudged the forecast up and down, but worse outcomes are still possible if uncertainty spreads globally,' it said.

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Time of India
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India's macroeconomic variables to remain stable in FY26, consumption growth to pick up: ITC
Live Events (You can now subscribe to our (You can now subscribe to our Economic Times WhatsApp channel India's macroeconomic variables are expected to remain stable in FY26, with GDP growth staying around 6.5 per cent, said multi-conglomerate ITC in its latest annual ITC also expects an uptick in the consumption growth helped by continued rural recovery along with improvement in urban demand which was subdued due to high inflation."Consumption expenditure is expected to pick up progressively led by continued recovery in rural demand backed by a good monsoon, along with improvement in urban demand as inflation stabilises and tax cuts announced in the Union Budget boost disposable incomes," said the cumulative impact of pick up in capex in the second half of FY25 and increase in capex outlay by the government announced in the budget, along with interest rate cuts and liquid support from RBI, would also be supportive of growth, it said."The Indian economy is poised to grow rapidly in the years ahead driven by structural factors such as a favourable demographic profile, increasing affluence, rapid urbanisation, accelerated digital adoption and the entrepreneurial spirit of its people," it thrust on strengthening country's physical and digital public infrastructure, focus on enhancing the competitiveness of the manufacturing sector, indirect/direct taxation and financial sector reforms, along with measures to promote ease of doing business, are expected to power the economy going forward."India continues to remain the fastest growing large economy in the world - a relatively bright spot amidst the challenging global operating environment," said the pace of growth, moderated from 9.2 per cent in FY24 to 6.5 per cent in also raised concerns over food inflation, which witnessed a 'sharp uptick' and impacted the consumption growth in the FMCG sector, which is the second largest business of ITC after cigarettes."The impact of inflationary pressures on household savings weighed on consumption expenditure, particularly in urban markets; however, demand in rural markets was relatively resilient. The weakness in consumption was reflected, inter alia, in the muted volume growth of the FMCG sector," it saidFood inflation was 7.3 per cent in FY25, while headline inflation (CPI) remained within the RBI's target range at 4.6 per also said structural support would need to be provided to sectors with potential for large economic-multiplier this regard, the development of robust domestic agri and wood-based value chains hold special importance in the Indian context, given their enormous potential to contribute to national to ITC, enhancing agricultural productivity and value addition to international standards, improving market linkages are important to enhance competitiveness of the agri sector and drive significant increase in farmers' is amongst the leading producers in the world of several agri-commodities, including milk, rice, wheat, sugarcane, cotton, pulses, spices and fruits & vegetables, however, its share of global agri-trade remains low at only about 3 per cent.


Time of India
2 hours ago
- Time of India
India gets to test Bangladesh's nerve when they wanted desi chicken neck
India's decision to seek changes to the 1996 Ganga Water Sharing Treaty marks a watershed moment in South Asian geopolitics. With the treaty's renewal looming in 2026, New Delhi is signalling not just a recalibration of water-sharing priorities but also a deliberate test of Bangladesh's diplomatic mettle, especially at a time when Dhaka appears to be drifting strategically towards Beijing and Islamabad. A treaty under strain Signed during Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina's first term, the 1996 treaty brought a measure of stability to India-Bangladesh ties by setting clear guidelines for sharing the Ganga's waters during the dry season. It provided for alternating 10-day blocks from 11 March to 11 May, giving both countries 35,000 cusecs of water. For flows below 70,000 cusecs, the share was 50:50. When flows touched 70,000 to 75,000 cusecs, Bangladesh received 35,000. For anything above that, India took 40,000 and Bangladesh the rest. But that delicate balance is now under threat. According an Economic Times report, India is seeking an additional 30,000 to 35,000 cusecs during the same period to meet its own rising needs for irrigation, maintaining Kolkata Port, and powering hydroelectric projects. by Taboola by Taboola Sponsored Links Sponsored Links Promoted Links Promoted Links You May Like War Thunder - Register now for free and play against over 75 Million real Players War Thunder Play Now Undo Officials quoted by The New Indian Express said New Delhi is not inclined to extend the treaty as is. Instead, India is pushing for a shorter-term agreement, ten to fifteen years instead of thirty, to allow room for periodic revisions. 'Before Pahalgam, we were inclined to extend the treaty for another thirty years, but the situation changed drastically afterwards,' said a senior official at the Ministry of External Affairs to The New Indian Express. Live Events Water, power and precedent Bangladesh's vulnerabilities are stark. As a low-lying delta nation, it depends heavily on river systems flowing in from India. The World Bank estimates that agriculture contributes over 11 percent to its GDP and employs nearly 35 percent of its workforce. About 60.5 percent of its land is arable, leaving little scope for agricultural expansion. Bangladesh is effectively 'maxed out' on its agricultural footprint. This, therefore, amplifies dependence on efficient water-sharing frameworks. The result: a deep reliance on predictable water flows. The Ganga and Teesta rivers are lifelines, and any uncertainty over flows is a threat not just to farmers, but to food security and the broader economy. India's posture echoes its recent moves with Pakistan. Following the April 22 terrorist attack in Pahalgam, which killed 26 people, India suspended the Indus Waters Treaty, a pact that had endured since 1960. Coupled with Operation Sindoor, trade suspension, and the stalling of legal processes around the Kishanganga and Ratle hydropower projects, the message is clear: water is no longer off the table as a means of strategic deterrence. Union Home Minister Amit Shah recently confirmed to The Times of India that the Indus treaty will not be restored. This shift has unnerved Dhaka. 'With the Ganga Treaty up for renewal next year, India's suspension of the Indus Waters Treaty could cast doubts on its commitment to water-sharing with Bangladesh,' water expert Nutan Manmohan told The Sunday Guardian. Uttam Sinha of the Manohar Parrikar Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses, speaking to The Sunday Guardian, warned: 'While India has traditionally respected water-sharing arrangements with its lower riparian neighbours... the success of future negotiations will largely depend on the prevailing political climate.' The chicken neck irony For years, India's strategic unease has centred around the Siliguri Corridor, the narrow strip linking its mainland to the northeast. Often dubbed India's 'chicken neck', this corridor has been portrayed by some in Dhaka, including Bangladesh's interim Chief Adviser Muhammad Yunus, as a point of leverage. Yunus, during his four-day visit to Beijing, stirred controversy by referring to the region as 'landlocked' and Bangladesh as its 'only guardian of the ocean'. 'The seven states of India, the eastern part of India, are called the seven have no way to reach out to the ocean. For Bangladesh, as the only guardian of the ocean in the region, this could be a huge opportunity and an extension of the Chinese economy,' Yunus said, suggesting Bangladesh could act as a conduit for China into India's east. 'From Bangladesh, you can go anywhere you want. The ocean is our backyard,' Yunus declared. Now, the tables have turned. India controls water flow at the Farakka Barrage, just 10 km from the Bangladesh border. Dhaka baited New Delhi with its so-called maritime leverage; India is now returning the favour with its hydrological leverage. Assam Chief Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma underlined Bangladesh's own vulnerabilities. 'First is the 80-kilometre North Bangladesh Corridor... Any disruption here can isolate Rangpur division. Second is the 28-kilometre Chittagong Corridor... the only direct link between Bangladesh's economic and political capitals,' Sarma posted on X. 'Bangladesh, like India, is embedded with two 'chicken necks'. I am only presenting geographical facts that some may tend to forget.' Transshipment fallout Further complicating matters is the political upheaval in Dhaka. Sheikh Hasina, long viewed as a reliable partner by Delhi, was ousted in mid-2024 after nearly two decades in power. Her replacement, Muhammad Yunus, who became the chief adviser of Bangladesh's interim government, has shifted the country's foreign policy posture, drawing it closer to China and Pakistan. On April 8 2025, India revoked Bangladesh's access to a key transshipment arrangement that had existed since 2020. The move effectively dismantled a key logistical arrangement that had been in place since June 2020, when India allowed Bangladeshi exporters to use its Land Customs Stations (LCSs) to move cargo to third countries such as Bhutan, Nepal and Myanmar via Indian ports and airports. Designed to lower logistics costs and boost export efficiency, particularly for Bangladesh's critical ready-made garments (RMG) industry, the arrangement had enabled Dhaka to piggyback on India's infrastructure for greater global market access. However, the Central Board of Indirect Taxes and Customs (CBIC) circular issued on April 8 rescinded this facilitation. While India's Ministry of External Affairs clarified that the move 'does not impact Bangladesh exports to Nepal or Bhutan transiting through Indian territory', the decision nonetheless disrupts a major trade lifeline for Dhaka. The fallout is immediate: increased shipping costs, longer delivery timelines, and reduced competitiveness, especially for air cargo routed through key hubs like Delhi's Indira Gandhi International Airport. According to The Daily Star, for Bangladesh, which reported record exports of $50 billion in 2024, driven by an 8.3 percent annual growth in the RMG sector, a 10.44 percent rise in leather exports ($577.29 million), and a 16.32 percent jump in cotton-related goods ($319.06 million), the loss of transshipment privileges threatens to undercut hard-won gains in global trade. The China factor Dhaka's embrace of China is evident. During his visit to China, Yunus signed agreements on hydrological data-sharing for the Yarlung Zangbo–Jamuna (Brahmaputra) river system and launched FTA discussions. According to a joint statement released after official talks, Dhaka and Beijing also agreed to initiate discussions on a Free Trade Agreement (FTA) 'at an early date', signalling a potential economic alignment that could reshape regional trade dynamics. Talks were even held at the foreign secretary level between Pakistan and Bangladesh, an event nearly unthinkable a few years ago. A Foreign Office Consultation (FOC) was held in Dhaka, with Pakistan's Foreign Secretary, Amna Baloch, participating. Additionally, a trilateral meeting between Bangladesh, Pakistan and China was held on 19 June, further highlighting the efforts to foster regional cooperation. Of particular concern to India is the revival of the World War II-era Lalmonirhat air base, located 12 to 20 km from the Indian border and around 100 km from the Siliguri Corridor. According to The New Indian Express, Indian intelligence agencies view the development as a 'grey zone threat', citing its potential dual-use for both civilian and military purposes, including surveillance and logistics operations that could directly compromise India's strategic 'chicken neck'. Further escalating concerns, The Economic Times reports that Chinese officials have visited the Lalmonirhat site, fuelling speculation about Beijing's involvement in the base's potential redevelopment, an alarming prospect given its proximity to one of India's most sensitive and vital corridors. The persistent Teesta problem The Teesta River, which flows through both countries, remains a longstanding dispute. Only 121 km of its 414-km stretch lies in Bangladesh, yet it is the fourth-largest river for the country and vital for dry-season irrigation in the north. In 2011, a near-final agreement was stalled due to opposition from West Bengal's government. That vacuum gave China an opportunity to step in. As per The New Indian Express, China has committed USD 2.1 billion in loans, investments and grants to Bangladesh, with the Teesta River Comprehensive Management and Restoration Project (TRCMRP) standing as a focal point in the bilateral relationship. India fears long-term infrastructure and intelligence encroachments in the sensitive north. The road ahead According to the Ministry of Jal Shakti, India and Bangladesh share 54 rivers. Article XII of the Ganga Treaty states it is 'renewable on the basis of mutual consent'. That clause has become India's pressure point. Whether India walks away entirely or simply rewrites it, the outcome will reflect how far Dhaka has drifted and how willing India is to assert control. India, as the upper riparian, holds the cards. Bangladesh, facing political flux and strategic overreach, is struggling to defend its interests. Water may be a shared resource, but in South Asia today, it is increasingly a solitary advantage for those who control its source.


Economic Times
3 hours ago
- Economic Times
How China is playing a twin-track game with India
China's strategic leverage through export denials Live Events You Might Also Like: After magnets, China now plants agriculture barrier for India Domestic priorities or geopolitical game? You Might Also Like: Rajnath Singh calls for bridging trust deficit after 2020 border standoff, urges China to take permanent action What are India's options? Diplomacy on the surface, pressure beneath (You can now subscribe to our (You can now subscribe to our Economic Times WhatsApp channel Amid ongoing diplomatic exchanges between India and China, including an ongoing visit by Defence Minister Rajnath Singh and recent visit of National Security Advisor Ajit Doval for the SCO Summit, China is also taking provocative steps. It has halted or severely delayed critical exports to India, including rare earth magnets, specialty fertilisers and even tunnel boring machines (TBMs) destined for the Mumbai–Ahmedabad high-speed rail corridor. These moves raise urgent questions about China's strategy: why is it choosing to weaponise trade just as both sides are seeking to "normalise" ties?China's twin-track strategy on India unfolds as overt diplomatic engagement while exerting covert trade pressures. China's recent actions reflect how it views its trade relationship with India as a tool of strategic control over key supply chains is well established. As the world's leading producer of rare earth elements, fertiliser inputs and industrial machinery, it occupies a dominant position in many high-value sectors. By deliberately delaying or halting exports of these items to India, Beijing is asserting this dominance in subtle but unmistakably coercive case of rare earth magnets is particularly revealing. These components are essential in advanced electronics, electric vehicles, wind turbines, etc. By denying their export to Indian firms, China is slowing down India's ambitions in high-tech manufacturing, a key pillar of the 'Make in India' and Production-Linked Incentive (PLI) initiatives. Similarly, specialty fertilisers held up at Chinese ports affect India's agricultural sector at a time when global food security concerns remain high. The blockade of tunnel boring machines, critical for a flagship infrastructure project co-funded by Japan, introduces both economic delays and diplomatic of these actions share a common thread. They enable China to remind India of its central role in global industrial ecosystems, and the consequences of falling out of its has offered technical reasons for some of these export delays, particularly around fertilisers. Chinese customs authorities have cited inspections under the guise of entry–exit Inspection & Quarantine (CIQ) protocols, ostensibly to protect domestic agricultural needs and control these justifications do not fully explain export curbs. The deliberate and consistent nature of these export denials, especially when targeted at sensitive sectors and projects, points to a more calculated geopolitical strategy. The Chinese state is using bureaucratic tools to exert pressure without officially declaring a trade embargo. People with knowledge of the matter have told ET that China has not been inspecting shipments meant for India, using various procedures to block exports without imposing an express ban. The pattern suggests this is less about domestic need and more about strategic messaging."China has been restricting suppliers of specialty fertilisers to India for the last four to five years. However, this time it is a complete halt," Rajib Chakraborty, president, Soluble Fertilizer Industry Association (SFIA), has told ET key driver behind China's trade obstructions may be retaliation for India's post-Galwan restrictions on Chinese economic engagement. Since the deadly 2020 border clash in Ladakh, India has taken several steps to limit Chinese influence in its economy. India mandates government approval for investment by countries that have a border with it, specifically aimed at its northern from China now requires government approval under the updated FDI norms (Press Note 3). Over 200 Chinese mobile apps, including TikTok, have been banned on national security grounds. Direct flights between India and China have remained restricted. From China's perspective, these restrictions have curbed its access to India's vast consumer market and investment space. The export denials, therefore, serve as a tit-for-tat response, an attempt to signal displeasure at India's protective economic posture. By denying key supplies, China is reminding India of the cost of economic export denial strategy is a textbook example of economic statecraft. It reflects not just China's confidence in its industrial leverage but also its increasing willingness to use trade as a tool of coercion. China's export blockades may be an attempt to test India's resilience under pressure. By selectively disrupting supplies of items that are not easily substitutable such as precision magnets or specific fertiliser grades, China could be observing how quickly India can pivot to has already begun to diversify. Russia has emerged as the largest supplier of fertilisers to India, overtaking China. For rare earths, India is deepening ties with Australia, the US and Japan. Domestically, Production-Linked Incentive schemes are being ramped up to encourage local manufacturing of critical components. China may be calculating that while India can eventually diversify, the short-term costs and disruptions will serve as a deterrent. If Chinese exports remain unreliable, and alternatives are more expensive or slower to arrive, India might be forced to recalibrate its trade posture vis-a-vis China by sourcing critical imports from more reliable suppliers as well as ramping up domestic these coercive trade tactics are unfolding even as both countries are engaged in diplomatic overtures. NSA Ajit Doval's visit to Beijing and Defence Minister Rajnath Singh's current presence in China underscore a shared interest in stabilising ties, particularly along the Line of Actual the export denials reveal a different layer of strategy. Beijing appears to be testing the sincerity and strength of India's outreach, using trade friction as a way to probe India's limits. Probably, China wants steep concessions from India to normalise ties just as India seeks a permanent solution to border issues. Beneath overt diplomacy, China is exerting covert pressures through trade to extract benefits from India. But India is playing hardball. While acknowledging constructive and forward-looking exchange of views on issues pertaining to bilateral relations, Rajnath Singh said he told Admiral Don Jun, the Defence Minister of China, "It is incumbent on both the sides to maintain this positive momentum and avoid adding new complexities in the bilateral relationship."The recent export-denial pressures by China could be a ploy as India and China try to reach a new understanding leaving behind years of tension in ties due to border clashes. The first group of Indian pilgrims undertaking the sacred Kailash-Manasarovar Yatra, has reached Manasarovar Lake, marking the resumption of the journey after a five-year break and a sign that both the countries are willing to try to mend relations.