Editor's Note: Cabinet must reform the COFI Bill to protect the right to bank
According to the current regulatory frameworks, banks are obliged to notify customers and provide them with the opportunity to make representations before terminating their accounts.
The Conduct of Financial Institutions (COFI) Bill, soon to be submitted to Cabinet, is a critical opportunity to address arbitrary bank account closures in South Africa. These closures threaten economic stability, undermine fairness, and grant banks unchecked power to act as de facto regulators of public and private life.
However, the Bill in its current form fails to adequately protect the right to bank. I urge parliamentarians to scrutinise this legislation and demand reforms that enshrine procedural fairness, as recommended by the Zondo Commission and grounded in the audi alteram partem principle.
Cabinet must address these shortcomings by ensuring the COFI Bill incorporates robust protections, including the right to a fair hearing, as recommended by the Zondo Commission and supported by the audi alteram partem principle.
The audi alteram partem rule, a cornerstone of natural justice, mandates that individuals be given an opportunity to respond to allegations before decisions are made against them. In the context of bank account closures, this principle is critical. Banks currently rely on the Code of Banking Practice, which only requires "sufficient notice" before termination. This vague standard fails to ensure procedural fairness, particularly for public figures, large-scale employers, or influential stakeholders whose account closures can have far-reaching consequences
The Problem: Arbitrary Account Closures
South Africa's banking regulatory framework, including the Code of Banking Practice, allows banks to terminate accounts with minimal oversight. Banks often cite vague reasons like "reputational risk," a term so broad it invites abuse. This practice has far-reaching consequences, particularly for public figures, employers, or influential stakeholders whose closures can disrupt businesses and livelihoods.
For example, Independent Media recently faced account closure threats based on flimsy reputational risk claims, while Nedbank, implicated in corruption by the Zondo Commission, faced no similar scrutiny. Such inconsistencies highlight the need for reform. As I've previously written, public outcry over these closures reflects growing frustration with banks' disproportionate power.
I have written extensively on the subject:
Public outcry over bank account closures due to unfounded 'reputational risk'
Reputational risk is a red herring and violates my rights - Dr Survé
Dr Survé welcomes FSCA's taking banks to task over bank account closures on basis of reputational risk
Legal Context: A Flawed
The case of Bredenkamp v Standard Bank (2010) illustrates the dangers of the current framework. The Supreme Court of Appeal upheld Standard Bank's right to unilaterally terminate John Bredenkamp's accounts based on reputational risk, setting a precedent that allows banks to act with minimal accountability. While Bredenkamp's alleged illicit activities raised legitimate concerns, the ruling failed to establish a clear process for customers to contest closures.
This precedent empowers banks to target parliamentarians, ministers, lawyers, businesspeople, and academics without due process, effectively allowing financial institutions to influence governance and economic activity. Such power is antithetical to a democratic society and risks undermining public trust in both the banking sector and the state.
The Zondo Commission said there was a need for stronger protections against arbitrary closures, warning that banks should not wield unchecked power. Internationally, jurisdictions like the UK have taken steps to curb such practices, prohibiting banks from closing accounts based on customers' political views. The US Senate Banking Committee is also moving to eliminate reputational risk as a basis for banking decisions. South Africa must follow suit.
The COFI Bill, designed to shift South Africa's financial regulatory framework toward a principles-based, outcome-driven model, is an opportunity to address these issues. However, in its current form, the Bill falls short.
The Financial Sector Conduct Authority (FSCA) and National Treasury, through Commissioner Unathi Kamlana and Ismail Momoniat respectively, have acknowledged the need for legislative reform to curb arbitrary closures.
The COFI Bill: An Opportunity for Reform
The COFI Bill does not mandate a fair hearing for customers, nor does it impose stricter guidelines on banks beyond the existing Conduct Standard for Banks (2020). This standard vaguely requires a "fair process" for account terminations but explicitly avoids prescribing a hearing in cases involving suspected money laundering or terror financing, citing potential conflicts with other laws. While these exceptions are valid, they should not justify blanket exemptions that allow banks to bypass fairness in other cases.
Customers, especially those whose closures impact public interest - such as employers or influential figures - must have the right to challenge terminations in court. Without this safeguard, banks can arbitrarily disrupt businesses, livelihoods, and even political processes by targeting accounts without transparent justification.
Recommendations for Cabinet
To protect the right to bank, Cabinet must demand the following amendments to the COFI Bill:
Enshrine the audi alteram partem principle: Require banks to provide customers with a fair hearing before closing accounts, ensuring procedural fairness. Limit vague justifications: Prohibit banks from using "reputational risk" as a catch-all excuse for terminations, mandating specific, evidence-based reasons. Ensure judicial recourse: Grant customers, especially those whose closures impact public interest, the right to challenge terminations in court. Align with Zondo Commission recommendations: Incorporate the Commission's call for stronger protections to prevent banks from wielding unchecked power.
It is important that Cabinet demand amendments that align the Bill with the Zondo Commission's recommendations and the principles of fairness. By failing to act, Cabinet risks allowing banks to continue wielding unchecked power, undermining South Africa's economic and democratic fabric.
BUSINESS REPORT
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


The South African
9 hours ago
- The South African
Trump vs Musk vs Gates: Battle of the billionaires has just begun
By now you've probably heard the cyber supersonic boom of the internet exploding after Elon Musk dropped a bombshell tweet about President Donald Trump. Musk alleged that the reason why the Epstein files have not been fully disclosed to the public yet is because POTUS Donald J. Trump is in them. Musk ended the tweet with, 'Have a nice day, DJT!' He then attached a second tweet which read: 'Mark this post for the future. The truth will come out.' In response, Trump dropped a post on his Truth Social announcing that his administration is revoking funding and subsidies for Musk's companies, including Tesla and Space X. To which Musk responded by announcing on X that he would be decommissioning the latest SpaceX Dragon rocket programme – which is much needed by NASA to service and supply the International Space Station. Given these latest developments, one has to wonder whether the rumours and reports are indeed true – is Musk on hard chemical drugs? Part of the backlash in the media and on social media right now is around who started the spat, and who's going to 'win'. One Musk-supporting X user pointed out: 'Musk criticized Trump's Bill. Trump, however, criticised Musk. Elon Musk played the ball, some are arguing, while Donald Trump played the man.' Musk's first salvo against Trump's budget came when, on 3 June, he could no longer contain his disgust at Trump's 'Big Beautiful Bill' and spilt his guts about it on X, when he tweeted: 'I'm sorry, but I just can't stand it anymore. This massive, outrageous, pork-filled Congressional spending bill is a disgusting abomination. Shame on those who voted for it: you know you did wrong. You know it.' During a live press briefing in the Oval Office on 5 June, while hosting neo-Nazi, pro-Zionist, ex-Blackrock executive, German Chancellor Friedrich Merz, Trump addressed Musk's comments about the bill. 'We've done a great job. Elon knew that. Elon endorsed me very strongly. He campaigned for me.' Then Trump said, 'I think I would've won Pennsylvania easily anyway,' Trump told reporters. Elon must've been watching that press briefing live because minutes later, he responded to Trump's statement by tweeting: 'Without me, Trump would have lost the election, Dems would control the House and the Republicans would be 51-49 in the Senate.' 'Such ingratitude,' he then added. Trump went on to tell the press: 'I'm very disappointed, because, Elon knew the inner workings of this bill better than almost anybody sitting here. He knew everything about it. He had no problem with it. He only developed a problem when he found we're going to cut the EV [electric vehicle] mandate…because that's billions and billions of dollars. We wanna have cars of all types.' Trump also said, 'When he left, he said the most beautiful things about me. He hasn't said anything bad about me personally, but I'm sure that will be next. But, I'm very disappointed in Elon, I've helped Elon a lot.' Trump also later posted on his Truth Social: 'The easiest way to save money in our Budget, Billions and Billions of Dollars, is to terminate Elon's Governmental Subsidies and Contracts. I was always surprised that Biden didn't do it!' That's when the break-up started to turn nastier than the War of the Roses. The jibes went back and forth until it culminated in that earth-shattering tweet of the century from Musk. But Trump is not the only one Musk has just thrown under the Epstein bus. He recently, and in the past, did the same to Bill Gates. On 7 October 2024, during an interview with Tucker Carlson, Musk said: 'You know, I think part of why Kamala's getting so much support is that if Trump wins, that Epstein client list is going to become public. And some of those billionaires behind Kamala are terrified of that outcome.' Carlson asked Musk: 'Do you think Reid Hoffman (billionaire founder of LinkedIn) is uncomfortable?' Musk answered: 'Yes.' After a brief pause, he added, 'And Gates.' Last month, on 20 May 2025, at the Qatar Economic Forum in Doha, Musk was interviewed before a live and online audience by Bloomberg's Mishal Husain. Husain started to ask Musk about comments made by Bill Gates regarding Elon's decision to cut funding to the USAID programme – when Musk interjected. 'He's a huge liar', Musk said. 'I know, you've said that already,' Husain replied. The comments they're referring to emerged when Bill Gates, in an interview with the Financial Times on 8 May, accused Elon Musk of 'killing children in the world's poorest countries' by cutting foreign aid under the Trump administration. Gates assailed Musk for the actions he took as head of President Trump's Department of Government Efficiency (DOGE). 'He could go on to be a great philanthropist,' Gates told the magazine. 'Meantime, he's involved in the deaths of the world's poorest children.' Sticking the blade in a little deeper, he added, 'The picture of the world's richest man killing the world's poorest children is not a pretty one.' Responding to Gates' comments in Qatar, Musk sprung an unexpected gobsmacker on Husain and the audience; 'Who does Bill Gates think he is to make comments about the welfare of children, given that he has frequented Jeffrey Epstein?', he said. 'Ok, Well…', Husain started to respond, but she was drowned out by applause and cheers from the audience.' When the ovation died down, Musk added, 'I wouldn't trust that guy to babysit my kids.' It's worth noting that, curiously, Jeffrey Epstein 'committed suicide' (by breaking his own neck twice with paper sheets, while the prison cameras were switched off and the guards were fast asleep) during Trump's first term. It's also worth noting that the last remaining, vocal survivor in the Epstein case, Virginia Giuffre – who accused Prince Andrew of raping her when she was 17, a woman who was close to seeing justice served for being sex-trafficked by Epstein to Andrew and other predatory paedophiles – allegedly committed suicide on 6 April this year…during Trump's second term. What's all the more mysterious about her death is the fact that…just a few years earlier, on 11 Dec 2019, she tweeted: 'I am making it publicly known that in no way, shape or form am I suicidal. If something happens to me – for the sake of my family do not let this go away and help me to protect them. Too many evil people want to see me quieted.' Here's where it gets dubiously curious. The person who recruited Virginia Giuffre to be Jeffrey Epstein's personal 'masseuse' was Epstein's partner in life and crime, Ghislaine Maxwell (currently serving time for child sex trafficking). Ghislaine is the daughter of (media mogul and alleged ex-Mossad agent) Robert Maxwell. Do you know where Ghislaine Maxwell met and recruited Virginia Giuffre? At a place called Mar-a-Lago. Ring any bells? That's right, Donald Trump's Florida mansion. Where 16-year-old Giuffre was working as a spa attendant at the time. It's been rumoured and reported that Epstein himself was also a Mossad agent, running a 'honey trap' operation for Israeli intelligence. So far, the rumours and accusations by the Democrats of Trump playing golden showers and glass-topped coffee tables with Russian hookers in a swanky Moscow Hotel have proven to be unfounded. But if there is compromising footage of POTUS Donald Trump on Epstein island molesting minors, and that footage is being held by Mossad, it would certainly explain a lot about why Trump has allowed barbaric Bedlam Bibi Netanyahu to steamroll over him…like that bulldozer did to Rachel Corrie. Of course, the whole world and their brother – including me – have dropped everything to weigh in on this Musk-Trump (and Gates) feud. On X and other platforms, people are digging up and dropping videos from the '90s of Donald Trump with Jeffrey Epstein (and Ghislaine Maxwell) surrounded by a bevy of beautiful nubile babes, partying their a**es off at Mar-a-Lago. Others have posted photos of Elon posing alongside Maxwell. Someone posted: 'Elon Musk didn't kill himself.' Another, recommended Musk multiply his security detail immediately. Piers Morgan posted: 'Holy sh*t!' And a string of 'shocked' emojis. Alex Jones posted: 'God Help Us ALL…' Russell Dobular from Due Dissidence said in the duo's commentary video: 'This actually reinforces the idea that Elon is whacked out on drugs, because…this is such a self-destructive move.' 'Going out on a limb here – the Tesla board is going to replace Elon as the CEO by the end of the year,' he added. Tesla shares have slumped by 14% on Wall Street since Thursday's clash of the titan tycoons. Let us know by leaving a comment below or send a WhatsApp to 060 011 021 1. Subscribe to The South African website's newsletters and follow us on WhatsApp, Facebook, X, and Bluesky for the latest news.

IOL News
18 hours ago
- IOL News
The decline of the NPA under Shamila Batohi
Challenges facing the National Prosecuting Authority under adv Shamila Batohi Image: Henk Kruger Since her appointment as National Director of Public Prosecutions (NDPP) in 2018, Advocate Shamila Batohi pledged to restore integrity and effectiveness to South Africa's embattled National Prosecuting Authority (NPA). Six years on, however, critics argue that the institution is mired in high-profile failures, eroding public trust and casting doubt on its ability to deliver justice. One of the most prominent disappointments has been the botched prosecution of Nigerian televangelist Timothy Omotoso, who faced multiple charges, including rape, sexual assault and human trafficking. After eight years, the case ended in a startling acquittal. The court cited prosecutorial misconduct, poor cross-examination, a lack of corroborating evidence, and an incoherent legal strategy. Professor Buhle Dube, Director of the School of Law at the University of South Africa, said: 'High-profile cases are delicate and require meticulous handling. Unfortunately, the NPA often yields to public pressure, leading to procedural errors that jeopardise justice.' Despite numerous forensic investigations into corruption at state-owned entities such as Eskom, Transnet and the Passenger Rail Agency of South Africa (PRASA), and damning findings from the Zondo Commission, the NPA has yet to secure significant convictions. Delayed or non-existent prosecutions have fuelled perceptions that powerful political interests influence justice. 'Since the controversial landing of the Guptas at AFB Waterkloof over 12 years ago, little has been done to tackle corruption decisively,' said political analyst Professor Tumi Senoekane. 'The recommendations from the Zondo Commission have largely been ignored, and attempts to hold influential figures accountable remain stalled.' Video Player is loading. Play Video Play Unmute Current Time 0:00 / Duration -:- Loaded : 0% Stream Type LIVE Seek to live, currently behind live LIVE Remaining Time - 0:00 This is a modal window. Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window. Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps Reset restore all settings to the default values Done Close Modal Dialog End of dialog window. Advertisement Next Stay Close ✕ Ad Loading Failures to extradite fugitives such as the Gupta brothers and self-styled prophet Shepherd Bushiri have drawn further criticism. Bushiri's continued evasion of justice exemplifies these shortcomings. Meanwhile, high-profile murder cases - including those of soccer star Senzo Meyiwa and rapper AKA - remain unresolved, compounding public disillusionment. The Nulane Investments fraud case, involving a fraudulent feasibility study linked to former Free State Premier Ace Magashule and the Vrede Dairy Project, was described by the court as a 'comedy of errors' after key evidence was mishandled and ruled inadmissible. Dube noted, 'Prosecutorial discretion must be applied judiciously and without political or public pressure. The push for quick wins often results in shortcuts that subvert justice.' Similarly, Political analyst Professor Tumi Senoekane pointed out that 'the NPA has failed to execute its mandate in a timely and effective manner. Political interference, resource constraints, and structural deficiencies contributed to this decline.' Former Executive Director and current Corruption Watch consultant Karim Singh echoed these sentiments. 'The losses suffered by the NPA are demoralising, both for the public and those within the organisation. Stability in leadership and a focus on operational independence are essential for meaningful reform.' Singh suggested that in terms of the NPA's execution regarding corruption, we need to pay attention now to the operationalisation and function of the Independent Directorate headed up by advocate Andrea Johns. 'Some of the questions towards Johnson regarding how are they learning from these mistakes moving forward as key people at the NPA.' Although Batohi's tenure began with high expectations, critics argue it has delivered few tangible results. Calls for reform include reviving the independent investigative model of the now-defunct Scorpions, bolstering resources and instilling a culture of accountability.. 'The recent establishment of the Investigating Directorate Against Corruption (IDAC) is a positive step,' said Singh. 'However, more resources and strategic leadership are needed to ensure it fulfils its mandate effectively.' The Democratic Alliance (DA) has announced plans to hold a media briefing on Friday morning to address what they describe as a deepening crisis within the NPA and the Department of Justice. The DA said it aims to scrutinise recent failures, including the collapse of the Omotoso trial and the delays in implementing the Zondo Commission's recommendations. Conviction rates and the number of criminal cases handled by the NPA have reportedly declined under Batohi, reflecting broader leadership and capacity challenges. Last month, Justice Minister Mmamoloko Kubayi instructed Batohi to submit a detailed report explaining the Omotoso acquittal and the underlying causes of the NPA's failure in the case. This comes despite Batohi's 2022 commitment to prioritising high-profile corruption prosecutions, following a funding injection from National Treasury.


Daily Maverick
2 days ago
- Daily Maverick
Just Share accuses Standard Bank of evasion in climate reporting, calls for comprehensive accountability
Three years after a near-unanimous shareholder vote for greater climate accountability, Standard Bank is being accused of missing the mark on climate targets. At Standard Bank's 2022 annual general meeting, shareholders overwhelmingly voted in favour of a climate resolution calling for greater transparency and emission reduction commitments. Co-filed by Aeon Investment Management and shareholder activism organisation Just Share, the advisory resolution passed, backed by 99.74% of shareholders. It laid out the following roadmap: 31 March 2023: Report progress on calculating greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions from oil and gas exposure. 31 March 2024: Disclose a baseline of these emissions. 31 March 2025: Publish short-, medium- and long-term reduction targets aligned with the Paris Agreement. Now Just Share is accusing Standard Bank of delivering an 'incomplete picture' of its fossil fuel involvement by adjusting the metric tools by which it holds itself accountable. What you should know about the Paris Agreement, the APS and financial institutions Click on each block in the infographic for a pop-up explanation. Changing the metric or the mission? According to Standard Bank, it has ticked the baseline disclosure box. The bank's 2024 Climate Related Financial Disclosures Report states that its baseline disclosure has been 'completed for oil and gas'. What the bank has actually disclosed, Just Share argues, covers just 19% of its total oil and gas exposure and only 82% of on-balance sheet upstream oil and gas loans. 'It has not provided a timeline for setting targets for mid and downstream exposure,' said Karishma Bhoolia, a senior climate risk analyst at Just Share. 'This incomplete picture of Standard Bank's oil and gas exposure allows the bank to downplay the significant impact that its involvement in midstream projects such as the East African Crude Oil Pipeline will have on its oil and gas exposure and financed emissions.' Oil and gas value chain explained Upstream: Exploration and extraction of oil and gas Midstream: Transportation and storage thereof Downstream: Refining oil and gas and selling it to customers Moving the goalposts Standard Bank's 2022 Climate Policy committed the bank to reducing upstream oil and gas exposure by 5% by 2030. This target is nowhere to be found in the bank's 2025 Climate Policy. Now Standard Bank commits to ensuring that oil and gas lending remains under 3% of its total loans and advances by 2030. According to Just Share, this new figure is both weaker and more ambiguous. The updated policy is based around physical intensity metrics (a measure of emissions per barrel of oil) without accompanying absolute targets or timelines, a report by Just Share states. 'The targets are weaker than those contained in the bank's 2022 Climate Policy and allow the bank to significantly increase its exposure to oil and gas,' Boohlia said. Boitumelo Sethlatswe, the head of sustainability at Standard Bank, said that their updated targets and disclosures balanced climate ambition with the realities of sub-Saharan Africa's development needs. 'We have set robust, measurable targets that directly address our material oil and gas financed emissions,' he said. 'These include a 10% reduction in physical intensity for upstream oil and gas, limiting upstream exposure to 3% of total loans, and ensuring we finance at least three times more renewable energy than non-renewable power.' These targets are grounded in the International Energy Agency's (IEA) Announced Pledges Scenario (APS), which is compatible with the Paris Agreement's objectives, Sethlatswe said. What is a baseline emission? An article by global consulting firm McKinsey describes baseline emissions as a 'footprint', meaning a measure of emissions recorded during a specific period, like a year. This measure is then taken as a starting point against which to measure change. From Paris to pledges The bank appears to have reoriented its climate ambition away from the Paris Agreement. In its 2024 Climate Related Financial Disclosures Report, the bank states that it is 'committed to the goals of the Paris Agreement'. While the 2022 policy referenced targets aligned with the Paris Agreement, the updated 2025 version uses the IEA's Announced Pledges Scenario (APS) as a pathway, which is a model that assumes countries will meet their net zero targets, probably leading to a 1.7℃ temperature rise by 2100. While the IEA's Net Zero by 2050 scenario (which aligns with 1.5℃ ) is mentioned, the only reference to the Paris Agreement in the 2025 Climate Policy is to its principle of 'common but differentiated responsibilities'. No explanation is offered for the change. Standard Bank maintains that its current actions deliver on the requirements of the 2022 shareholder resolution. The East African Crude Oil Pipeline elephant One of the blind spots in Standard Bank's climate reporting, according to Just Share, is midstream oil and gas, which includes its potential financing of the East African Crude Oil Pipeline (EACOP). Just Share says that the 2030 limit the bank touts applies only to upstream investments and that there is no restriction on midstream and downstream exposure. 'EACOP funding is a midstream oil and gas asset,' Boohlia explained. 'The 2030 limit has no impact on this funding. Thus, Standard Bank could continue to fund EACOP and other projects like it without limit.' Standard Bank's oil and gas portfolio accounts for nearly 80% of its operational emissions, according to Sethlatswe. 'We continue to work on improving data availability for midstream and downstream activities, which will inform future target setting,' he said. How does Standard Bank stack up? An assessment of South Africa's 13 largest banks by non-profit group Bank Green paints a bleak picture. Not one received a 'great' rating when it came to climate responsibility. According to the group's findings, one third of the banks assessed failed to provide transparency regarding lending to the fossil fuels and renewable energy sectors, and only five out of the 13 reported any financed emissions. Transparency, continuous improvement, and supporting a just energy transition remained a commitment to Standard Bank, Sethlatswe said. Investor pressure mounting As a shareholder itself, Just Share says it will continue to hold Standard Bank accountable. It recommends that investors hold Standard Bank accountable to update its 2025 Climate Policy to: Include emission reduction targets aligned with the Paris 1.5℃ pathway. Provide a strategy of how these targets will be met. Set targets across the full oil and gas value chain. 'Banks can either exacerbate the climate emergency or play a constructive role in urgently reducing greenhouse gas emissions and financing the transition to a low-carbon, inclusive economy,' Boohlia said. DM