
Enemy surrendered in 22 minutes: PM on Op Sindoor
India's military forced the enemy to surrender in 22 minutes using weapons made in India during Operation Sindoor, Prime Minister Narendra Modi said on Tuesday, further emphasising that last month's military operation against Pakistan projected India's stringent policy against terrorism to the world. Prime Minister Narendra Modi attends the centenary celebration meeting of the historic conversation between Sree Narayana Guru and Mahatma Gandhi in New Delhi. (PTI)
Speaking at an event marking the centenary celebration of the historic meeting between social reformer Sree Narayana Guru and Mahatma Gandhi, the Prime Minister said the recent military operation showcased the strength of Indian-made weapons and the decisiveness of the country's armed forces.
'The world has recently witnessed India's capacity. Operation Sindoor has clarified India's stringent policy against terrorism. We showcased that there is no place safe for those who shed the blood of Indians,' PM Modi said at the event held at Vigyan Bhawan in the Capital, adding that India now takes every step guided solely by its national interest.
Also Read | 450 loitering munitions ordered to help boost army's capabilities
Emphasising India's move towards self-reliance in defence, Modi said the country has significantly reduced its strategic dependence on foreign powers. 'Its impact was visible during Operation Sindoor. Our soldiers forced the enemy to surrender within 22 minutes using weapons made in India,' he said. He expressed hope that Indian-made weapons would become globally influential in the years to come.
India launched Operation Sindoor in the early hours of May 7 when the military hit nine terror camps inside Pakistan and Pakistan-occupied Kashmir (PoK), killing more than 100 terrorists; it was New Delhi's direct military response to the April 22 Pahalgam terror strike that killed 26 people. The operation triggered four days of strikes and counterstrikes with drones, missiles and long-range weapons before the two sides reached an understanding on stopping all military action on May 10.
Also Read | Pahalgam terror attack: NIA arrests two for providing shelter, food to attackers
Reflecting on the legacy of Sree Narayana Guru, PM Modi noted how the social reformer's values have shaped the vision of his government and guided India's role on the global stage. He pointed to the guiding principles behind India's international initiatives, including 'One Earth, One Health', 'One Sun, One Earth, One Grid' and 'One Earth, One Family, One Future'.
'Sree Narayana Guru envisioned a society that is away from discrimination. I am satisfied to mention that the country is ending every scope of discrimination following the saturation approach,' Modi said on Tuesday, as he reiterated his government's commitment to uplifting the marginalised.
Modi added that he often reflects on the teachings of Sree Narayana Guru when making key decisions for the benefit of society's most deprived segments. 'If you recall the situation, 10-11 years from now, people were forced to live in poor conditions decades after Independence…Crores of people lost hope of living a better life. How would the country have developed under such conditions? Therefore, we inculcated sensitivity in the thoughts of the government and took the resolution of service,' he said.
Drawing connections between Sree Narayana Guru's advocacy for women's rights and his government's initiatives on women-led development, Modi cited recent reforms that enabled women's access to previously restricted spaces. 'From sports to space, daughters are making the country proud. Every section of society is contributing to Viksit Bharat (Developed India),' he added.
The centenary event commemorated the meeting between Sree Narayana Guru and Mahatma Gandhi, which took place at Sivagiri Mutt in Kerala on March 12, 1925. The historic conversation between the two eminent personalities touched on pivotal social and political issues such as the Vaikom Satyagraha, religious conversions, non-violence, the abolition of untouchability and the upliftment of the downtrodden, a government statement said.
'A historic incident which not only showed a new direction to our freedom movement, but also gave a solid meaning to the goal of Independence and the dream of an independent India. 100 years ago, the meeting between Sree Narayana Guru and Mahatma Gandhi is inspiring and relevant even today,' Modi said.
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Indian Express
34 minutes ago
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Daily Briefing: This day, 1975
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37 minutes ago
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Emergency showed extent of executive power. 50 years on, it's still embedded in Constitution
The Constitution itself was designed at a time of immense political, social, and economic upheaval. There were a multitude of challenges around secession, religious integration and communalism because of Partition, the integration of 550 princely states, which made up two-fifths of India, and widespread poverty. The resulting constitutional setup gave the Union government sweeping powers to convert the country into a unitary state. The State, consequently, while giving fundamental rights and freedoms to citizens, could also revoke these through emergency provisions, the office of the governor, money bills, ordinances and in some cases, just ordinary legislation. However, it may not be an aberration, but a logical conclusion of executive power, given the structure and setup of the Indian state itself. The declaration, which was accorded through vague wording within the Constitution in Article 352, was compounded by a flurry of legislation to support the implementation of a dictatorial state. It underscores the ease with which the Union could legally override the separation of powers and curb fundamental rights with limited judicial, legal or citizen oversight. Fifty years on, the broader legacy of the Emergency is the fragility of rights, and checks and balances. If anything, India's democratic successes may be viewed as a miracle, stemming from well-meaning actors, rather than legislation and policy action itself. About 50 years ago, on 28 June 1975, a small, 22-word obituary in The Times of India read, 'O'Casey, D.E.M., beloved husband of T. Ruth, loving father of L.I. Bertie, brother of Faith, Hope and Justicia, expired on June 26,' highlighting a fundamental shift in India's fledgling experiment with democracy. The Emergency was indeed a watershed moment in India's history, and viewed by many as a blot on India's largely democratic traditions. When the Constitution was controversially amended for the first time in 1951, impositions were placed on fundamental rights and free speech. It also enshrined a mechanism, the 9th Schedule. Laws placed in this schedule are not subject to judicial review, a feature used to override unfavourable judicial decisions and to shield the executive from scrutiny. Indira Gandhi used this schedule to overturn her suspension as a member of parliament. Also read: West read Emergency wrong. India's democracy mattered little to US, UK, Russia Existing provisions Throughout India's early years, wars with Pakistan and China allowed the government to declare states of 'external emergency,' which worked to suspend fundamental rights. They were backed by laws that expanded state power, from the Defence of India Act to the Preventive Detention Act. Christoffe Jaffrelot and Pratinav Anil in India's First Dictatorship: The Emergency, 1975-1977, and Srinath Raghavan in Indira Gandhi and the Years that Transformed India, highlight the emphasis Indira Gandhi put on making sure all emergency provisions and actions had a veneer of legality attached to them to reiterate the legitimacy of her actions. She did not need to introduce new laws to give the Emergency teeth; such provisions already existed. The Sedition provision (Section 124A of the Indian Penal Code), the Defence of India Act 1962 (DIA), and the Maintenance of Internal Security Act 1971 (MISA) all expanded the government's ability to suspend fundamental rights or harass dissidents. The DIA and MISA conferred on the government a wide range of powers to detain and arrest individuals, and limit their ability to challenge their detention in the courts. These also allowed warrantless searches and wiretapping to occur. The government could determine 'protected areas' and 'prohibited places,' limiting the movement of people, and violating the right to free movement and protest. These laws notwithstanding, the executive made the process the punishment, a feature that has dominated the Indian state since. Coomi Kapoor, in The Emergency: A Personal History, noted, 'an ugly feature of arrests and detentions under DIA [and MISA] was the immediate rearrest of persons released on bail.' Once the Emergency was lifted in 1977, Indira Gandhi lost power, and a motley coalition under the Janata Party introduced the 43rd and 44th amendments to raise the threshold to declare an emergency, and repealed some of the other controversial legislation enabling Indira Gandhi's hold on power. However, other features still remained in force, allowing the executive to expand its power. In times of crisis, emergency powers may be helpful to respond quickly, but the Constitution does not always provide clear opportunities for oversight from other branches of government that are critical to ensure accountability. During Covid-19, the Union was able to bypass the federal structure by unilaterally imposing a lockdown through ordinary legislation, rather than declaring an emergency (which would have required parliamentary oversight). This was partly because India lacks a dedicated framework to regulate public health emergencies. Containment measures became convenient tools of control and an excuse to suspend civil liberties, as seen with dwindling protests and arrests. The right to privacy was surrendered in the name of containment and contact tracing. This is not to say that such measures were unnecessary, but their legal basis matters. By using laws like the Disaster Management Act 2005, which was not designed for pandemics and is not subject to prior parliamentary review, the Union was able to suspend the freedom of movement and derive secondary powers to amend other laws like the Essential Commodities Act without any legislative or judicial oversight. Also read: Modi govt's assault on democracy is more sinister than the Emergency. Look at the differences Legacy of Emergency Another key feature of the Indian Constitution is its quasi-federal nature, according power to states over certain issues, while allowing the Union to take control if needed. Under Article 356, the Union government can override state rights by dismissing a state government and imposing President's Rule. Since 1947, it has been invoked more than 130 times, with the greatest number of instances being when Indira Gandhi was in power (50 times between 1966-1977 and 1980-1984), followed by the Janata Party (20 times between 1977-1980). It finally took a 1994 Supreme Court judgment to curtail the scope of President's rule. Nonetheless, the Union has been able to exert power over states through fiscal centralisation and the governor's office. Over the past decade, fiscal centralisation via delays in GST compensation, non-shared cesses, and discretionary transfers has undermined state capacity and made states more dependent on the Union, as seen in Kerala, Tamil Nadu, and Punjab. Though fully legal, such measures do undermine state rights. Fiscal centralisation has been accompanied by political standoffs. Governors have, of late, withheld assent on key bills passed by state legislatures, or blocked state appointments using powers accorded in the Constitution itself. Ongoing issues between non-NDA ruled states and the Union stem from the fact that governors, who are appointed by the Union, could employ a pocket veto on legislation by not assenting to it or forwarding it to the President for a decision. It took a Supreme Court judgment earlier this year to build timelines and processes into how long a governor or the President can block legislation passed by a state government. There are other areas where state control undermines the democratic ethos of the Constitution, especially when weaponised. Anti-terror and preventive detention laws—a hallmark of India's history since Independence—have had their powers expanded with the UAPA, PMLA, and earlier with TADA. This is not to say every government has unjustly used these laws, but to highlight the ease with which civil rights can be taken away if desired. Executive power has ebbed and flowed since the Emergency. During the coalition era from 1989–2014, a weaker Union allowed for cooperative federalism to emerge. States had a stronger say, and key initiatives to decentralise power away from the Union were introduced, from the 73rd and 74th constitutional amendments, to the Right to Information Act. Even as the Union yielded some of its power, anti-terror laws and financial regulation shifted power away from the citizen back to the state, and fiscal centralisation has become a weapon to use against non-NDA-ruled states. If the Emergency showed the extent of executive power, it is clear that the source of such power is embedded in India's constitutional setup; this is the legacy that India must contend with, 50 years on. Vibhav Mariwala writes about political economy, history, and the institutions that shape our world. He works on public policy and global macro between London and Mumbai and tweets @ are personal. (Edited by Theres Sudeep)