Pahalgam: Iranian President, UAE President speak to PM Modi to strongly condemn terror attack
New Delhi, Apr 26 (UNI) Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian and UAE President Mohamed Bin Zayed called up Prime Minister Narendra Modi today during which they strongly condemned the Pahalgam terror attack and agreed that terrorism should be rejected in all its forms and manifestations.
On the call from Iranian President Pezeshkian, the MEA spokesperson said that PM Modi also conveyed his condolences for the loss of lives in the explosion in Bandar Abbas today.
'President Masoud Pezeshkian of Iran @drpezeshkian called PM
@narendramodi and strongly condemned the terror attack in the Indian Union Territory of Jammu & Kashmir and conveyed his condolences for the victims.
'Both leaders agreed that there could be no justification for such acts of terror and all those who believe in humanity must stand together in the fight against terrorism.
'PM shared the anger and anguish of the people of India and their resolve to deal with those behind the terror attack and their supporters, firmly and decisively.
'PM also conveyed his condolences for the loss of lives in the explosion in Bandar Abbas today and wished speedy recovery for those injured.'
On the call from the UAE President Mohamed bin Zayed, the MEA spokesperson said that the UAE leader expressed full solidarity and support with India.
'President HH @MohamedBinZayed of UAE called PM @narendramodi and conveyed condolences on the loss of lives in the barbaric terror attack on the Indian soil of Jammu & Kashmir.
'He strongly condemned the attack and expressed full solidarity and support with India. PM appreciated his sentiments and words of sympathy and support.
'Both leaders agreed that terrorism should be rejected in all its forms and manifestations. PM conveyed India's strong resolve to bring the perpetrators of the heinous crime and their supporters to justice.'
Yesterday, PM Modi received calls from Sri Lankan President Anura Kumara Dissanayake, UK Prime Minister Keir Starmer and Netherlands PM Dick Schoof, all of who strongly condemned the terror attack.
Earlier, on Thursday, PM Modi received phone calls from Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, King Abdullah of Jordan, Japanese PM Shigeru Ishiba, French President Emmanuel Macron, Italian PM Giorgia Meloni and Egyptian President Abdel Fatah El-Sisi, conveying their support for India over the Pahalgam terror attack.
US President Donald Trump called up PM Modi within hours of the April 22 attack to strongly condemn the gunning down of 26 tourists in Pahalgam.
UNI RN
Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
India Today
18 minutes ago
- India Today
This Gulf War will Boomerang
Aap chronology samajhiye! Donald Trump, chasing a Nobel Peace Prize, is striking out. His buddy Vladimir Putin won't pause the Ukraine rumble, and Trump's claim of brokering an India-Pakistan ceasefire has more holes than a sieve. The only takers? Pakistan's military brass and the political leadership under their thumb, whose backsides were saved by the deal. Trump even coaxed their self-styled Field Marshal Asim Munir to nominate him for the Nobel, bribing him with a White House lunch. No selfies allowed, mind desperate Trump saw a chance to play peacemaker in Oman, where US and Iranian officials were set to negotiate on Sunday. Trump attempted to pre-empt Benjamin Netanyahu by striking a deal or something like it. Trump wanted to bolster his Nobel intentions, Tehran wanted to buy more time. Benjamin Netanyahu, fearing the lust for a 'deal' could jeopardise his plan trumped Trump. On Friday, Bibi set off the fireworks, hurling missiles at Iran. Trump, after a toddler-level tantrum, is now cheerleading for Bibi's war on Truth Social, while Netanyahu boasts of delivering a crushing defeat to Iran's mullahs. Newsflash: the only thing they're crushing is their own paracetamol stash, because this war is a headache with no or not, this war has two objectives: 1. Eliminate or severely degrade Iran's nuclear Regime change. Ayatollah out, a puppet years, Iran's been repeating about wiping Israel off the map. Israel, watching Iran's centrifuges, is convinced the mullahs are one tip away from a nuclear bomb. Tehran swears it's just brewing kesar tea in Qom. Netanyahu, well-versed in Persian promises, went for a bomb-now, talk-never plan. The US, after some grumbling, has joined the fireworks, with bunker-busters likely raining by the weekend. Iran's enriched uranium stash is buried deep in Qom's mountains. Israel's week-long bombing has scratched the surface, maybe pushing Iran's weapons programme back a decade. The damage to its nuclear sites is widespread yet only superficial. Not dead by a long shot. Even if the Fordow and Natanz stock goes bust, the Iranian regime will be back and this time for the bang. The so-called peaceful nuclear programme will fast-forward to bomb mode with a vengeance. Unless the regime brings us to Objective No. 2: Regime the missiles, Tehran's youth were regularly taking to the streets to chants of 'Marg bar Khamenei' or Death to Khamenei. Often risking their life and freedom. Now, Israel's bombs have united Iranians under the flag. They hate the mullahs and the IRGC, but you can't bomb people into loving the US or Israel. The regime, wobbly last week, is now strutting like a peacock in the monsoon. Even if the US and Israel eliminate the Ayatollah, a new turbaned cleric will walk in, same Shiacracy, different regime change requires boots on the ground, which the US, scarred from Iraq and Afghanistan, knows is like signing up for a never-ending soap. Only bloody and 10 body bags per Pakistan, the US's dodgy dost with a PhD in two-timing. Trump rolled out the red carpet for Asim Munir, who has just had a wholesome lunch at the White House, wondering how to pitch this to his awaam. Pakistan is a circus: its textbooks teach kids to hate Jews and Hindus with the zeal of a cricket fan. The Hindu bit softens over shared sanjha chulha stories in Punjab, but Israel? Zero love. Munir's already slipping intel to the US while texting 'solidarity, Islami biraadar' to Iran. If Trump demands more than just bases, read men and not just material, Munir is in deeper doo-doo than a Kanpur cow in a downpour. Trump's entire campaign was 'no boots, ever,' and his MAGA fans are already crying 'betrayal'. Iran is not even a flat desert like Iraq. It's more mountainous than Afghanistan. Boots on the ground has a very fat chance and if that happens, a slim chance of exiting without humiliation. Remember, Kabul in August 2021?advertisementHere's how this will most likely end: this war is a boomerang with worse aim than a drunk dart player. Iran, bruised and battered, will rise like a phoenix with a grudge. The mullahs, glowing with patriotic fervour, will flip their 'peaceful' nuclear programme to 'bomb mode' faster than Trump orders a burger and Diet Coke. Israel's pre-emptive strike will have handed Iran a reason to go full kaboom. The US? Stuck in another Middle East mess, with Trump tweeting 'tremendous victories' while the Pentagon hunts for an 'exit ramp'. There is a visible lack of coordination between Israel and the US, especially their leaders. This script has no endgame. And even if there is one, a war of attrition seldom follows the script. This war, like every misadventure from Kabul to Baghdad, is a masterclass in shooting your own foot while aiming for the moon.(Kamlesh Singh, a columnist and satirist, is director of news with India Today Digital)(Views expressed in this piece are those of the author)Tune InMust Watch
India Today
18 minutes ago
- India Today
Operation Sindhu: After Iran, India begins evacuation of nationals from Israel
After the successful evacuation of Indian nationals from Iran under Operation Sindhu, the government has now launched the evacuation for Indians who 'wish to leave' Israel amid growing to an official statement, Indian nationals will be evacuated through land borders from Israel, following which arrangements will be made for their travel back to India by air. The Embassy of India in Tel Aviv will oversee the logistics and coordination of this who wish to leave Israel are requested to register themselves with the Embassy of India in Tel Aviv at ( For assistance or further information, individuals can contact the 24/7 Control Room set up at the Embassy through the following contact numbers: +972 54-7520711, +972 54-3278392, or by email at [ Embassy has reiterated its previous advisories, urging all Indian citizens in Israel to exercise utmost caution and adhere strictly to safety instructions issued by the Israeli authorities and the Home Front Command. These guidelines can be accessed at [ Government of India accords the highest priority to the safety and security of Indian nationals abroad,' the statement read, adding that the situation is being closely monitored, and all necessary support will be extended by the Embassy in Tel Wednesday, India evacuated 110 Indian students safely from Iran. The students were first transported to Armenia, from where they were airlifted to India. All of them arrived in New Delhi early Watch
Indian Express
19 minutes ago
- Indian Express
How India's disavowal of SCO statement signals a new realism in global politics
— Amit Kumar and John Harrison As the Israel-Iran conflict rages on, India has distanced itself from the statement issued by the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) last week, condemning Israel's military strikes on Iran. As one of the most influential members of the SCO, currently chaired by China, India dissociated itself from the statement and said it didn't even participate in the discussion. This diplomatic friction within the 10-member bloc is more than a technical disagreement. It poses a critical question: What does the SCO's statement criticising Israel reveal about China, and what does India's quick withdrawal from it indicate about global politics? The answer opens a window into the dynamics of rising powers, shifting alliances, and the strategic contest to control not just geography, but global narratives. At first glance, the SCO's intervention in the Israel-Iran conflict might seem like a bold assertion of a regional security body stepping up to global relevance. But the deeper context matters. The Israel-Iran relationship has long been defined by hostility, espionage, and proxy warfare. Israel's strikes on June 13, deep into Iranian territory, marked a dangerous escalation in a conflict that often teeters on the edge of a regional war. But why would the SCO – a forum traditionally focused on Central Asian stability and counterterrorism – involve itself in the conflict so visibly? The answer lies in the bloc's new composition, particularly the recent inclusion of Iran as a full member, and more fundamentally, in the growing centrality of China within it. What looks like a gesture of support for a fellow member is, more subtly, a reflection of the SCO's transformation into a geopolitical lever for Chinese diplomacy. By positioning the SCO as a moral counterbalance to Western-aligned military action, it looks like China is seeking to extend the SCO's relevance far beyond its founding mandate. This pivot also suggests that China is attempting to redefine the normative language of international conduct, one that seemingly aligns less with UN charters or US-led alliances and more with a China-centric worldview that selectively invokes sovereignty, non-intervention, and regional stability based on who benefits from the narrative. Behind the SCO's statement lies a bold, if underappreciated, strategy. China is no longer content to merely participate in global forums. It is repurposing them. By mobilising the SCO to speak collectively against Israel, China was not just defending Iran; rather it was testing a model of bloc-based legitimacy that could challenge Western diplomatic hegemony. The symbolism was potent – a group representing over 40 per cent of the world's population speaking in unison against a close US ally. This messaging also marks a subtle recalibration of China's non-interference doctrine. Beijing is no longer sitting on the fence when its strategic partners are involved. Whether by abstaining from condemning the October 7 Hamas attacks or by amplifying Iranian grievances through multilateral forums, China is beginning to act with strategic asymmetry. It remains non-confrontational with the West on its own borders, yet assertive when it comes to Western partners in volatile regions like West Asia. Such moves reveal China's attempt to build a moral alternative to US exceptionalism, not by mimicking Western institutions, but by gradually bending others, like the SCO, into ideological alignment. Through carefully orchestrated diplomatic theater, China is reshaping the perception of who holds the moral high ground, casting itself as a defender of sovereignty and stability against Western chaos. India's prompt disavowal of the SCO statement was neither accidental nor reactionary. It was a calibrated act of diplomatic insulation – a move designed to protect its carefully balanced relationships with both Iran and Israel, while also signalling its discomfort with China's dominance over the SCO's voice. In doing so, India reaffirmed a principle that is becoming the hallmark of its foreign policy in the multipolar age: alignment without entanglement. What makes India's move even more significant is its context within the global narrative competition. China may have tried to portray the SCO condemnation as reflective of a broader anti-Israel, implicitly anti-Western consensus, and India, had it stayed silent, would have been passively co-opted into that message. But India's refusal disrupted the choreography. It showed that multilateralism, in a world of self-confident middle powers, can no longer be orchestrated so easily. Moreover, India's action speaks to a subtle transformation in its global identity. It no longer sees itself as a bridge between East and West, nor as a swing state, but as a sovereign power center shaping its own trajectory in the global order. In distancing itself from the SCO statement, India is rather projecting a future in which it refuses to let other powers define its strategic posture, even within forums it has co-founded or supports. The incident reveals more than a disagreement between two members of a regional bloc. It exposes the tectonic shifts in global governance. China's attempt to manufacture a diplomatic consensus through the SCO is emblematic of a broader ambition. It seeks to build a non-Western geopolitical ecosystem where legitimacy flows from shared grievance, not shared values. In this system, countries like Iran find a voice not because of shared vision, but because of shared opposition to the US-led order. At the same time, India's dissent points to a new realism in global politics. Multipolarity is not about blocs competing with one another. It is about a growing number of states refusing to be defined by any bloc at all. India's stance implies that true global influence now depends on agility, narrative independence, and the ability to defy both Western and Eastern orthodoxy. If China's rise is defined by the repurposing of institutions like the SCO into ideological tools, India's ascent is marked by its refusal to be absorbed into any ideological project, not of its own making. This divergence in strategy, one building a club of allies, the other cultivating freedom of motion, may well define the contours of the coming global order. In trying to turn the SCO into a stage for its foreign policy theatre, China revealed both its growing capabilities and its limitations. While it may script the lines, not all actors will follow. India's silent refusal to play the part it was assigned shows that even in the age of emerging powers, autonomy, not alignment, remains the highest currency of diplomacy. India's disavowal of the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation statement on Israel's attack against Iran reaffirmed a principle that is becoming the hallmark of its foreign policy in the multipolar age: alignment without entanglement. Comment. Critically examine the aims and objectives of the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation. What importance does it hold for India? By positioning the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation as a moral counterbalance to Western-aligned military action, is China seeking to extend the bloc's relevance far beyond its founding mandate? Multipolarity is not about blocs competing with one another. It is about a growing number of states refusing to be defined by any bloc at all. Explain with examples. Virus of Conflict is affecting the functioning of the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation; In the light of the above statement point out the role of India in mitigating the problems. (Amit Kumar is a PhD candidate at the Birla Institute of Technology & Science, Pilani, Rajasthan, India. Dr. John Harrison is an Associate Professor at Rabdan Academy, specialising in homeland security.) Share your thoughts and ideas on UPSC Special articles with Subscribe to our UPSC newsletter and stay updated with the news cues from the past week. Stay updated with the latest UPSC articles by joining our Telegram channel – IndianExpress UPSC Hub, and follow us on Instagram and X.
