Trump is failing at everything. We must hope he succeeds against Iran.
The Trump administration is failing. DOGE's budget-cutting efforts appear to have cost taxpayers more than they saved, the expulsion rate of illegal immigrants trails Biden-era rates and we are in a trade war that will force an embarrassing national retreat – but only after damaging our economy.
Internationally, we have more fractured alliances today than at any time in the last century. Friend and foe alike are puzzled by Trump's behavior, as well as his unqualified cabinet picks at the Department of Defense and Department of National Intelligence. None of this is lost on Americans, placing Trump as the lowest-polling president in modern history.
One need not be a cynic to suppose that Trump could view victory against Iran as a welcome distraction from his domestic struggles. Yet even those of us who question Trump's competence should recognize that his administration now confronts a genuine national security challenge that transcends partisan politics.
As Trump weighs military strikes against Iran's uranium enrichment sites, Americans who oppose him can still hope he succeeds in neutralizing a decades-long threat. The case against Iran's regime stands on its own merits, independent of one's view of Trump's presidency.
Iran has been exporting terror for more than 45 years. Its government has funded terrorists and state actors against the U.S., Israel and most other Middle Eastern countries. Iran imprisoned our embassy staff, killed marine peacekeepers, and captured sailors. It has cost the lives of thousands of Americans, tens of thousands of Iranians, and hundreds of thousands of other people across the Middle East.
Destroying the Iranian government, its nuclear capacity and its ability to make war and export terror would make the world an objectively better place. Even a large majority of Iranians favor a different government.
The challenge lies in the execution.
The U.S. has been planning war with Iran since the late 1970s. Much of our force structure since the 1980s was in response to Iranian aggression. Indeed, the success of Desert Storm was partly a consequence of the training and preparation we undertook to fight Iran, not Iraq.
The U.S. and Israel can, with relative speed, stop the Iranian economy, close its ports and end its oil exports. We can destroy its government agencies, scatter surviving leadership, destroy its air force and navy, cut off its armed forces from key supplies and destroy most arms stockpiles. We can attrit its air defenses, target its ballistic missile sites and generally render it unable to defend itself.
The destruction of Iran would give democratically minded leaders across the Middle East time and space to expand their influence and power. We should increase foreign aid to these nations, especially through USAID, but Elon Musk has gutted that capacity at a time when it might be more important than ever.
Conflict with Iran will be costly. We will lose men and women in that fight, and should expect for some of the worst images of war to appear before the American people. We will lose air crews, see our bases in the Middle East targeted, our ships fired upon and attacks to occur on American targets wherever Iran has pre-positioned terrorists.
In a war with Iran, Americans should expect to be attacked at home.
This is why Trump's leadership deficiencies are so concerning. His poor policy judgment, incoherent planning, sloppy crisis management and poorly staffed war cabinet represent exactly the wrong combination for such a complex undertaking.
No American president has been less prepared to sell the case for war, build necessary coalitions or execute the careful strategy such an operation demands.
If Americans are to spend hundreds of billions of dollars and send the flower of their youth into harm's way, Trump owes us a clear explanation of costs, benefits, and realistic war aims. We cannot expect air power alone to achieve "regime change" or "unconditional surrender" — hope is not a plan. If ground forces may be necessary, he must say so.
Trump must prepare Americans for casualties at home and abroad, distinguish between the Iranian people and their government, and build bipartisan congressional support. His failure to maintain international alliances means Israel stands as our only partner — a diplomatic catastrophe that makes success far more difficult.
Nothing in Trump's personal or public history suggests he can provide this kind of thoughtful leadership. The stakes demand we hope he proves us wrong. If he rises to the occasion, Americans should support him. If he cannot, he will likely fail, at enormous cost to the world.
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Time Magazine
30 minutes ago
- Time Magazine
The Issues With Calling for a Regime Change in Iran
Some have called for a regime change in Iran. Though a change is unlikely to happen by itself, should President Donald Trump push for one, he would be making a grave mistake. It is not the first time that foreign powers have imagined Iran as a crumbling house—one that only needs a gentle push, or a series of airstrikes, before it falls into new hands. This was the fantasy in 1953, when the CIA and the British intelligence overthrew Mohammad Mossadegh, Iran's prime minister who had nationalized the country's oil, and delivered Iran to Mohammad Reza Pahlavi's autocratic rule. And this was also the fantasy in the 1980s, when Saddam Hussein invaded Iran with military and economic support from the United States, the United Kingdom, France, and Israel, who believed the newly revolutionary Iran would collapse in months. It was the fallacy in 2003, when the George W. Bush Administration imagined the ' axis of evil ' could be undone through further isolation of Iran. Now, the myth of a seamless regime change in Iran has been resurrected. 'As we achieve our objective we are also clearing the path for you to achieve your freedom,' Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu said in a video address to the Iranian people. The shape of Israel's effort is clear: sabotage operations, assassinations, and strikes. President Trump's response has varied widely. First, he sought out a renewed nuclear deal with Iran. Later, he demanded its ' unconditional surrender,' posting about the possibility of killing Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, the supreme leader of Iran. He moved American refueling jets closer to Europe and maintained a degree of ambiguity about the U.S. military's commitment to Israel. Since, he has come to support Israel's attacks on Iran. But Iran is not Syria, Libya, or Iraq. 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Beyond them is the Basij, a vast paramilitary network with hundreds of thousands of members embedded in every corner of Iranian society—in the streets, in neighborhoods, in schools, and mosques. They aren't just loyalists of Ayatollah but woven into a deeper idea of the state and committed to the independence of Iran. Despite Israel's extensive and quite successful campaign of assassinations targeting senior IRGC commanders, the core of this group has not been hollowed out but hardened. A younger generation of more ideologically rigid commanders has emerged. They came of age in a regional military power, see themselves as the stewards of an embattled regional order, and push for more aggressive postures toward the United States and Israel—stances their more pragmatic predecessors, shaped by the war with Iraq, often resisted. This new generation of Iranian military commanders has also been battle-hardened in close-quarter conflict in Syria and understand how wars of state collapse can unfold. If this war morphs into a war of state collapse—and it very well might—then what comes next will likely not be surrender. The Revolutionary Guards' Quds Force, which helped organize a patchwork of militias that bled American forces in Iraq for years, is well-positioned to do the same again. These networks—Lebanese, Iraqi, Syrian, Afghan—were built precisely to extend deterrence and sow instability in the event of direct conflict. Israel has deeply weakened Iran's axis of non-state actors in the region, but Tehran retains the ability to foment militias to fight against American and Israeli troops and interests. Bombing campaigns could significantly destroy military and civilian infrastructure in Iran but to replace the Iranian regime, President Trump has to be prepared to fight not just a standing army but a system with decades of experience in asymmetric warfare. Yesterday, Trump posted on social media that the U.S. will not kill Iran's Supreme Leader 'at least not for now.' But Iran is not governed by a single man or clique that can be decapitated. The Iranian state is a competitive authoritarian system with institutions that have evolved over a century. Even amid crises, the system generates new leaders, factions, and power centers. Even the deaths of some influential figures would not bring the system down—it would renew it. And Iran remembers: the invasions, the coups, the chemical attacks, and the long war of attrition it fought in the 1980s when the West bet on Saddam Hussain. At that time, the Islamic Republic was relatively young, with comparatively miniscule military resources, almost no idea of governance, and no battlefield experience. Saddam owned the skies. He wielded nerve gas. He had Western and Soviet support. Still, Iran did not fall. The war with Iraq scarred Iran, however it taught the country that survival does not require parity but endurance. In the decades since, the Iranian state has reorganized itself not for peace, but for siege. Its military doctrine is not built for conquest but for resistance. Iran won't simply absorb aerial bombardment or shrug off sabotage. Moreover, Iran is a civilizational state. The identity binding many Iranians is not limited to a flag or a government but rooted in a deeper historical memory stretching back through empire, invasion, forced partitions, foreign coups, and colonial interludes. 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31 minutes ago
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That could change as the war intensifies, and fears are growing that Iranian political leaders could respond to any U.S. military intervention by blockading the strategic Strait of Hormuz. Officially, China imported no oil from Iran last year. However, energy researchers say Iranian oil delivered via unofficial channels, such as transshipment, largely end up in the country's smaller independent refineries. The U.S. has in the past sanctioned Chinese entities that allegedly assist in Iran's secret oil trade in defiance of Western restrictions. Over 90 percent of Iran's sanctioned—and therefore cheaper—crude oil exports go to China, mostly via transshipment points such as Malaysia, said commodities analysts at Kpler. But Chinese energy imports are further exposed in or near the Persian Gulf, where six of its top 10 oil suppliers are found according to official data. 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Smoke billows after an Iranian missile struck an oil refinery in Haifa in northern Israel on June 16, 2025. Ariel Schalit/AP What Happens Next World leaders have moved to inject calm in the Middle East, the latest being Chinese President Xi Jinping and Russian counterpart Vladimir Putin, who in a call on Thursday condemned Israel for escalating tensions by striking Iran. "If the conflict escalates further, not only will the conflicting parties suffer greater losses, but regional countries will also suffer greatly," Xi said, according to China's official Xinhua news agency. "The parties to the conflict, especially Israel, should cease fire as soon as possible to prevent the situation from escalating in turn and resolutely avoid the spillover of war," he added.