Even if Russia loses another Mideast ally, it stands to profit from the chaos
There's long been an awkward tension at the heart of the Kremlin's complex relationship with the Middle East.
On the one hand, Russian alliances and economic influence there have traditionally been strong.
On the other, as one of the world's biggest oil and gas producers, Russia tends to profit when things in the energy-rich region go awry and the markets get spooked.
That's exactly what is playing out right now, with the Kremlin watching its Iranian ally being drastically weakened by Israeli airstrikes, while reaping the benefits.
On the face of it, Russia has so much to lose.
Iran has been a particularly useful 'strategic partner' for the Kremlin, not only sharing a disdain for Western values and influence, but also supplying the Russian military with vast squadrons of Shahed aerial drones, enabling the relentless bombardment of Ukraine.
Much of that drone production has, admittedly, long since moved to Russia. But with Ukraine's own drones now striking Russian production facilities deep behind the frontlines, that once reliable Iranian supply may eventually be missed.
There's also a faint but painful sense of humiliation for the Kremlin to have to stand by and watch yet another key Middle Eastern ally under ferocious bombardment, unable or unwilling to step in.
Moscow has issued strongly-worded statements, of course, condemning as 'illegal' Israel's attacks on Iran's nuclear facilities, adding that the strikes were creating 'unacceptable threats to international security.'
It also accused Western countries of manipulating the situation to 'settle political scores.'
But Russia's supposed alliance with Iran never extended to defending the Islamic Republic and there has been no Kremlin offer of any military support.
It's certainly true that a collapse of the Iranian regime, which is now an apparent Israeli objective, would add Iran to the growing Kremlin list of lost Middle Eastern alliances and client states, including Iraq, Libya and, most recently, Syria.
But here's that awkward tension again: things are not quite as bad for Moscow as they may seem. In fact, this latest Middle Eastern conflict is playing very nicely into the Kremlin's hands.
As well as the welcome financial windfall, courtesy of the surging price of crude oil, the Iran-Israel conflict is also opening up the taps, as it were, to diplomatic opportunities for a Kremlin that has faced years of international isolation over its war in Ukraine.
Russia has never stopped seeing itself as a major player in international diplomacy, with a rightful place at the top table alongside the US and China.
Now, the Kremlin has an issue on which it can jointly and productively cooperate with the United States, and possibly emerge as an indispensable US partner when it comes to eventually patching the region back together again.
As the only major political leader with a direct line to the Iranians, the Israelis and the United States, the Russian president, Vladimir Putin, is already carefully leveraging his pivotal position, signaling his willingness to act as a mediator, casting Russia as an important power broker in the Middle East.
In a recent call to the White House, Putin reminded President Donald Trump how Russia has been a long-time US ally when it comes to the Iranian nuclear issue – a heavy hint that he is open to being one again.
Initially, Trump expressed a willingness to consider the Russian leader as a potential mediator in the conflict, although he has since downplayed it.
Since the start of Trump's second term, Washington and Moscow have been desperate to find ways to broaden their relationship beyond the narrow focus on the Ukraine war. The fate of Iran and its nuclear ambitions have unexpectedly reemerged – along with the Arctic, economic cooperation and space exploration – as yet another area of potential common interest.
For the Kremlin – and maybe for Trump too – that's a major boon.
Not so much for beleaguered Ukraine.
With an escalating Mideast crisis, and the US seemingly teetering on the brink of increasing its direct involvement, global attention has been suddenly diverted from the ongoing war in Ukraine – where intensifying Russian drone and missile strikes are taking an appalling toll – to the devastation being wrought in Israel and Iran.
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Sofia, a student in the front row wearing a cream jumper and gold, hooped earrings, said the longer the war goes on, the more people want to leave. 'When the war started people were very enthusiastic,' she began. 'But a lot of time has gone by and people are more depressed. They think there's a better life in another country.' English teacher Halyna Pidhrebelna agrees. Commenting on the discussion later in a small staff room over coffee, she said girls who leave Ukraine 'don't see a future here' and believe better career opportunities lie abroad. She hoped a ceasefire might change the situation, but has lost faith in America's commitment to support Ukraine since Donald Trump was elected. Kira, seated a few rows back, said that being forced to flee Zaporizhzhia for the relative safety of Ukraine's western Lviv Region had changed her perspective. 'Before the war I wasn't thinking about leaving at all,' she said. 'My native city was small – not like Lviv, no such buildings and historical monuments. I thought I would go to university in Kyiv or Kharkiv.' With Poland just a few miles away, Kira and her family began visiting the country regularly. This exposure helped her to imagine studying in the similarly historic Polish city of Kraków. Poland has taken in more Ukrainian undergraduate students than any other European country. In 2023, almost 45 per cent of Poland's total foreign university student population was Ukrainian, according to data published by press agency Ukrinform. But the data also reveals a concerning surge in the numbers of young women choosing to leave Ukraine to study abroad. The number of female Ukrainian students entering Polish universities almost doubled in the year after the invasion, according to figures from the country's Radon data agency. The increase in the number of young men arriving was even greater. The allure of prestigious institutions in Europe is certainly a draw for young Ukrainians. But mostly, they just want to escape the war. 'When you have air raid alarms or bombing, there's no studying. You have to go online or in the bomb shelter – I want to achieve,' she said, adding that her best friend, who fled to Lviv from the Eastern Sumy Region, has also applied to university in Kraków. Classmate Tetiana Marvii, 17, had planned to stay in Lviv but changed her plans after a cousin received worse-than-expected grades – owing partly to air raid sirens during her exams. 'It's really stressful in Ukraine,' she said. A trip to see friends in nearby Lithuania inspired her to try and study international relations in the capital Vilnius – if she can pass an English language test for her course. 'It has been difficult to make this decision,' she admits, pressing her hands together. 'My parents said: you can do this, you are bright, you can go abroad. But I was not sure. My idea was just to have a life here – find a job, help my parents. But because the situation has changed, so have our plans.' Lithuania is a less common destination for Ukrainian students, with its national broadcaster LRT reporting that in 2024 there were 1,100 Ukrainians in total studying at its country's higher education institutions. Austrian public and private universities have seen large Ukrainian uptake in bachelor degree programmes. The number of female students doubled between 2021 and 2023, according to data provided by Statistics Austria from 223 to 447. Taras Hryvniak, 17, a former student at Lviv Physics and Maths Lyceum, left his family to study at the University of Vienna, Austria. When he turns 18, if he crosses the border back into Ukraine, he will not be allowed to return. Taras denied that Ukraine's conscription laws influenced his choice, but admits: 'My family loved this decision very much because my mum is scared for me.' 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'She's a smart girl, and I'd like such people to be here,' she said, affectionately. 'We lose a lot of students, it is so upsetting.' Of the 34 students in her grade 11 class, eight girls and ten boys plan to leave this year. Tackling youth emigration is high on the agenda of Ukraine's Ministry of Education and Sciences (MoES). Yevhen Kudriavets, Ukraine's First Deputy Minister of Education and Science, told The Telegraph that efforts to retain the country's human capital would determine 'whether we can survive, rebuild the economy, and develop the state'. While there is no specific mechanism capturing the number of young women leaving Ukraine, various indicators show Ukraine's child population is sharply decreasing. There are now about 2.3 million Ukrainian child refugees living outside Ukraine, the majority of them in Europe, according to the United Nations. Ukraine's birth rate is falling, and MoES statistics show that the number of pupils starting school has fallen by almost a third nationally since 2021. 'This trend will continue and by 2029, the number of first graders will decrease by another 30 per cent,' Mr Kudriavets said. At least 701 children have been killed, and more than 19,000 deported or forcibly displaced. Tito Boeri, professor of economics at Bocconi University and the co-author of a 2022 study on Ukraine's labour market says Ukraine's emigration issue is 'very serious'. 'You can reconstruct physical capital – it takes time, but still can be done,' he told The Telegraph. 'Reconstructing human capital is way more challenging and may actually not succeed.' With an eye on the country's future, the Ukrainian government has made education a priority second only to defence. In 2024, the state budget allocated 171.2bn UAH (almost £3.3bn) to education – more than a fifth higher than the previous year. Much of this investment is aimed at school-level education, particularly on building underground schools so children in frontline areas can still be taught in-person. But the MoES is also investing heavily in higher education. Last year it introduced a state grant to help students cover the expenses of studying for bachelors degrees inside the country. More than 13,000 first year students received grants of up to 32,000 UAH (£608), and can continue to claim support annually. In 2021, the World Bank awarded Ukraine $200m (£156m) over five years to modernise teaching and research facilities in higher education. This includes merging and reducing the number of universities. Mr Kudriavets said the funding is crucial to increasing the sector's competitiveness. 'The current network of HE institutions in Ukraine was designed for the planned economy of the former Soviet Union,' he said. 'It must be restructured to align with new economic and geopolitical realities.' The government's efforts on education appeared to be working – at least for a time. Between 2021 and 2023, the total number of students starting bachelor level degree courses in Ukraine actually increased by almost a fifth from 203,452 to 239,008. One reason for the upswing was a change in the country's mobilisation law that offered exemption from military conscription for full-time male students. Another factor were financial benefits offered to children of military personnel, including tuition fees, free dormitory accommodation and textbooks, which encouraged more school-leavers to apply. But in 2024, the number of students on bachelor's courses fell dramatically by almost 51,700 students. This was partly because more than a tenth of applicants failed to pass entrance exams, raising concerns about the quality of school-level education. 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