
Ukraine is losing its drone supremacy
In an undisclosed location near the front line, Vanya, a Ukrainian soldier, traverses through a field covered in the traces of a deadly Russian weapon.
It's not unexploded ordnance or landmines beneath his boots, however, but an endless stream of razor-thin fibre-optic cables, glistening in the sun while spooled out across the landscape.
These are the lifelines of Russia's most effective weapon – fibre-optic guided FPV drones.
Once an obscure experiment, these drones have become one of the defining weapons of the battlefield in recent months, impervious to jamming and able to strike targets far behind enemy lines with chilling precision.
What's more, while Ukraine first pioneered drone warfare, it's Russia that appears to have mastered this next phase.
'Our advantage in drones, which we have held since 2023, has been surpassed by the Russians,' a senior non-commissioned officer with Ukraine's 3rd Separate Assault Brigade, call sign 'Jackie', told The Telegraph.
'We did all the work of innovating drones as a weapon, but we did not scale this weapon fast enough on an industrial level for it to have a meaningful strategic effect. We were too slow.'
Pivot in drone warfare
The dominance of fibre-optic drones marks a pivot in drone warfare. In 2024, Ukrainian and Russian production of traditional, radio-controlled FPV drones surged. But these drones relied on radio frequencies, meaning they increasingly fell prey to electronic warfare (EW) jamming.
In fact, by the end of last year, up to 75 per cent of drones fired by Russia and Ukraine were being knocked out by jamming, according to military expert Pavlo Narozhny.
Enter the fibre-optic drone – a wired throwback to Cold War-era anti-tank missiles like the US-made TOW (Tube-launched, Optically tracked, Wire-guided), but refashioned for modern aerial warfare.
The drones themselves appear unremarkable – quadcopters rigged with explosive payloads – except for a large, cylindrical spool mounted underneath, feeding out a strand of fibre-optic cable as they fly. This physical tether between pilot and drone makes them impossible to knock out using jamming.
The tactical implications are vast. Fibre-optic drones can fly into hangars, bunkers, dense urban terrain or tree cover with no loss of signal. Their camera feed is clearer. They don't emit detectable signals, meaning typical radio frequency detectors can't pick them up. And they don't expose the operator's location.
'They're really great when you need to fly into some kind of building, like a large shed or hangar, to have a look inside if there is something there with the ability to strike it straight away,' Oleksandr 'Skhid,' an FPV drone team commander in Ukraine's Achilles Strike Drone Regiment, told the Kyiv Independent. 'The same goes for other types of cover, and flying in forested areas.'
Technology isn't new
The drones can typically travel up to 25km, comparable to the range of the most commonly used radio controlled FPVs, with a prototype developed by Ukraine's '414th Strike UAV Battalion' reaching up to 41km.
The technology itself isn't new. In fact, Russia began deploying these makeshift drones after Ukraine launched its daring incursion into Kursk last August. But what makes the Russian deployment of these drones so dangerous is the recent increase in scale.
Once seen as clunky and niche, they are now being mass-produced and have been deployed along key front lines. 'You can barely walk through the fields after fibre optic drones have flown through,' Pasha, a senior instructor at Kyiv's Dragon Sky UAV training centre, told the Telegraph.
Russia's ruthless deployment of the drones was on full display during the recent intensive push to drive Ukrainian forces out of Kursk in an effort led by Russia's elite 'Rubicon' drone unit.
Footage captured in March showed a Ukrainian vehicle packed with soldiers hurtling along the R200 road, which linked Ukraine to the town of Sudzha, its last remaining stronghold inside the Russian border region.
It was hunted down and destroyed by a Russian fibre-optic drone, which was lying in wait on the side of the road. Within weeks, that same road was littered with the carcasses of vehicles destroyed in a similar fashion.
The drones have also been responsible for the destruction of Ukrainian armoured vehicles and key weapons – often deep behind the front line in locations radio-controlled drones would struggle to reach because of jamming and radio horizon.
In Chasiv Yar, for example, the Rubicon unit destroyed one of Ukraine's precious US-made Himars using a fibre-optic drone 10km behind the front line.
'They have pushed the safe zone to 10-15 km away from the front line, have made logistics and troop rotation more complicated and forced us to double down on digging deep down and disguising the locations and bunkers,' a spokesperson for the Khartia Brigade of the Ukrainian National Guard said.
'They're a game changer,' agreed 'Uncle Sasha', a front-line FPV instructor and officer in Ukraine's National Police Aviation Division. 'Everyone is trying to find countermeasures to fibre-optic drones – we don't have them, and neither do the Russians.'
No silver bullet
Despite their battlefield success, fibre-optic drones are no silver bullet. They're expensive – just one fibre spool can cost $700 (£520), enough to buy two conventional drones – and their range is limited by the cable length.
They are also heavier, and therefore often slower. To achieve the same speeds as a radio controlled drone, a heavier fibre-optic drone must expend more battery power, limiting its range.
As a result, most pilots flying fibre drones typically fly them at much slower speeds. They also have much lower manoeuvrability, due to the trailing cable, which must be precisely spooled to avoid tangles, and a strong wind can upend a stationary drone hunting its prey mid-mission.
'Fibre optic drones are very, very, very slow,' explained Mr Narozhy, whose Reactive Post NGO provides spare parts to the Ukrainian military. 'At the start of the flight, the weight is well centred, but by the end, it's often off-balance.'
There are signs that both sides are developing countermeasures, however rudimentary. 'In one case, a group of Ukrainian soldiers saw a Russian drone fly past them,' recalled Pasha. 'They realised it was a Russian drone so just went out and snapped the cable.'
Ukraine is also experimenting with drone-catching fishing nets, wooden decoys, and even placing soldiers with shotguns near artillery systems, a solution so manpower-intensive it is near impossible to sustain.
High-tech radar systems that can detect fibre-optic drones up to 20km away do exist but cost over a million euros each.
'Ukraine cannot afford to put this on every artillery station,' Mr Narozhy said. Such systems also produce emissions that are easily detected by Russian radar detectors.
Ironically, Ukraine may have had the head start. Fibre-optic drones were reportedly first conceived by Ukrainian engineers but shelved early on due to the effectiveness of cheaper, more agile FPV drones, and the absence of effective Russian jamming.
Now, at least on the fibre optic front, Kyiv is playing catch-up. 'While Ukrainian drone teams and innovators have achieved great success at the tactical level, we have failed to leverage our tactical advantage into strategic success,' said 'Jackie' of the 3rd Separate Assault Brigade. 'The window of time we held this tactical advantage has now closed.'
'It's possible we will achieve another level of technological innovation during this war,' he added. 'But it's not important that it works. It's important that we can scale it up so fast that the enemy cannot react to it.'
For Russia, the Rubicon-led development of fibre-optic drones is part of the Kremlin's wider push to gain the upper hand in the battle for drone supremacy.
Following the successful Kursk counter-offensive, Rubucion's drone pilots now operate in at least seven specialist detachments across eastern Ukraine, carrying out complex, decentralised missions.
The Russian defence ministry has also established its own version of Ukraine's unmanned systems forces to boost the use of all types of drones by Russia's armed forces, with Andrei Belousov, the Russian defence minister, announcing the creation of a new military unit planned to be completed by July 1 this year.
It is also worth noting that Ukrainian drones, both radio-controlled and fibre optic, still retain their brutal effectiveness.
With Russia currently on the offensive, Ukrainian drone pilots have an easier time striking infantry and armoured vehicles, while Ukraine's own elite drone teams regularly strike Russian logistics vehicles, air defence systems, and artillery pieces deep behind the front line.
Warning for the West
In any case, the implications – as with many new developments in the war – extend beyond Ukraine.
Western militaries, reliant on jamming and electronic warfare to counter drones, would be 'completely and totally vulnerable to fibre optic FPV drones,' one Ukrainian source warned.
'All current counter-measures used by Western militaries such as electronic warfare systems are useless against such drones, and they have no experience operating in an environment where FPVs saturate the battlefield.'
In the meantime, Ukraine is racing to find an effective countermeasure that extends beyond using wooden decoys and shooting drones down with shotguns. This is a technological arms race and Russia, even if temporarily, has the lead.
'We were laughing at them before,' said Pasha. 'But now it's not funny.'
Still, hope persists. 'This is a big problem for us,' said Uncle Sasha. 'But it's a problem for the Russians too; and I think we will solve it. We will find a solution to protect us from this technology.'
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


The Guardian
34 minutes ago
- The Guardian
Ukraine war briefing: Deadly Russian shelling continues after Turkey peace talks
Russian shelling killed at least five people on Monday in different frontline areas of eastern Ukraine, officials said. One death was in the city of Kramatorsk, where two others were injured; and two deaths were further south in the town of Illinivka where another three were injured. In the Kharkiv region, further to the north, prosecutors said two women were killed in a village south of Kupiansk, which has come under heavy Russian attack for months. The whole part of the Zaporizhzhia region controlled by Russia lost power as a result of shelling by Ukrainian armed forces, Russia's news agencies reported. High-voltage equipment was damaged, RIA reported, citing Yevgeny Balitsky, the head of the Russian-installed administration of the Zaporizhzhia region. The power outage did not affect the Zaporizhzhia nuclear power plant, Tass news agency reported, citing an official at the plant. Volodymyr Zelenskyy said 'no one cares whether Russia is angry' after 117 Ukrainian drones hidden on board trucks hit dozens of warplanes at Russian airfields. 'Just a day earlier, Russia had launched a massive overnight attack on Ukraine, over 480 drones and missiles. There were casualties, people killed and injured. This happens every single day. So no, no one cares whether Russia is angry. What matters is that Russia must move toward ending this war,' he said. Ukraine carried out an audacious attack on Sunday, smuggling the drones into Russia in trucks and then firing them at airbases, damaging about 40 strategic bombers worth $7bn. Zelenskyy said that 'we really expect Trump to take strong steps', urging the US president to toughen sanctions on Russia to 'push' it to agree to a full ceasefire. Negotiations between Ukrainian and Russian delegations in Istanbul ended without agreement on a ceasefire on Monday. The two sides agreed to exchange 1,000 prisoners of war each, with the possibility of swapping an additional 200. The deal includes swapping all severely wounded soldiers and those under the age of 25, according to the negotiators. An agreement had been made to return the remains of killed service personnel, but this would take careful preparation, said Ukrainian negotiators. Russia proposed a ceasefire of two or three days in some areas of the frontline to allow the Russian army to collect the many bodies it has left lying on the battlefield. Ukrainian officials said the Russians rejected Kyiv's call for an unconditional ceasefire of at least a month, instead handing over a proposal that would need to be studied by Kyiv. The Ukrainians suggested the talks should reconvene towards the end of June. Russian state news agency RIA said the Russian document proposed two options for a ceasefire, one of which would require Ukraine to begin a complete withdrawal of its troops from four of its regions invaded by Russia – a maximalist and unrealistic demand considering Russia only partly controls those areas. RIA described the second option only as a 'package' containing a number of unspecified conditions. The Ukrainians also gave the Russians a list of nearly 400 abducted Ukrainian children that Kyiv wants Moscow to return home. The Russian delegation agreed to work on returning only 10 of them. Donald Trump is 'open' to meeting his Russian and Ukrainian counterparts in Turkey, the White House said, after the two sides failed on Monday to make headway towards a ceasefire. Turkish president, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, has proposed that Vladimir Putin, Volodymyr Zelenskyy and Trump meet this month in either Istanbul or Ankara. Putin has thus far refused such a meeting, while Zelenskyy has said he is willing. Trump, who wants a swift end to the three-year war, 'is open to it if it comes to that, but he wants both of these leaders and both sides to come to the table together', said White House spokeswoman Karoline Leavitt. The Republican leader in the US Senate said it could begin work this month on stiffer sanctions against Russia and secondary sanctions on countries that trade with it. John Thune said he was discussing with the White House sanctions legislation including 500% tariffs on countries that buy Russian oil, gas, uranium and other exports. Trump has threatened the sanctions but shown little sign of moving forward, claiming he fears jeopardising peace talks. There has been no indication from the Republican leaders in the House of Representatives that they would allow the corresponding vote on the sanctions legislation that it would need, along with Trump's signature, to go into effect. Zelenskyy said on Monday that he agreed to a deal with Norway for gas supplies worth €1bn. Ukraine is likely to face a gas shortage this year due to Russia's attacks on gas production facilities, the president said.


The Independent
an hour ago
- The Independent
UN assembly elects Germany's ex-foreign minister as next president after Russia demands secret vote
The U.N. General Assembly overwhelmingly elected Germany's former foreign minister Annalena Baerbock to be the next head of the 193-member world body in a secret-ballot vote demanded by Russia. Baerbock got 167 votes, almost double the 88 votes needed to win, while high-ranking German diplomat Helga Schmid received 7 votes as a write-in and 14 countries abstained. Germany had nominated Schmid for the assembly presidency but replaced her with Baerbock after she lost her job as the country's foreign affairs chief in the recent election. The decision drew some criticism in Germany. When Baerbock appeared before the assembly to discuss her candidacy on May 15, Russia's deputy U.N. ambassador Dmitry Polyansky lashed into her, saying: 'Ms. Baerbock has repeatedly proved her incompetence, extreme bias and lack of understanding of the basic principles of diplomacy.' Polyansky accused her of having pursued an 'anti-Russia policy," which he said gave Russia reason to doubt that as General Assembly president she would be "able to act in the interests of peace and dialogue.' Baerbock brushed off Russia's request for a secret ballot. 'I am grateful … the overwhelming majority of member states have voted in favor of my candidacy and I'm looking forward to work with all member states together in these challenging times,' she said. Baerbock will replace current assembly president Philemon Yang, a former prime minister of Cameroon, at the start of the 80th session in September. She will preside over the annual gathering of world leaders in late September and anniversary events marking the founding of the United Nations in 1945. The one-year presidency of the General Assembly rotates by region. The assembly, which is the U.N.'s most representative body, has taken the spotlight in reacting to the wars in Ukraine and Gaza. That's because any action by the U.N. Security Council has been blocked by the veto power of Russia on Ukraine and the United States on Gaza. Baerbock said in her acceptance speech that the theme of her presidency will be 'Better Together,' stressing that the world is 'walking on a tightrope of uncertainty' in very challenging times. The birth of the United Nations on the ashes of World War II 'reminds us: We have lived through difficult times before," she said. "And it is up to us to take up these challenges.' Baerbock pointed to more than 120 armed conflicts around the world today as another reminder that the U.N.'s primary mission, 'to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war," remains unaccomplished. U.N. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres said Baerback will take the presidency as the world faces not only 'conflicts, climate catastrophe, poverty and inequality' but divisions and mistrust. 'Aid and development funding are drying up, and our institutions and structures still reflect the world of yesterday, not a vision of tomorrow,' he said. 'This is a moment for us to unite, to forge common solutions, and to take action to confront these challenges.'


Daily Mail
an hour ago
- Daily Mail
The man behind one of the most audacious military operations ever: RICHARD PENDLEBURY reveals the sensational inside story of Operation Spider's Web
In the annals of high espionage, derring-do and successful madcap military schemes, Artem Tymofieiev surely deserves his place. The Russians would certainly like to know his whereabouts today. A nationwide manhunt is underway. The mysterious Mr Tymofieiev has been identified as the Ukrainian secret agent who ran one of the most audacious and brilliantly executed military operations in modern history. Operation Chastise, the Dambusters Raid – in which RAF Lancasters breached two Ruhr dams with bouncing bombs in 1943 – has long been the yardstick against which other unlikely coups de main have been measured. I would argue that Operation Spider's Web, which the Ukrainian Secret Service – the SBU – executed on Sunday afternoon, exceeds even that exploit in breathtaking scope and impact. Simultaneously, across three time zones and thousands of miles from the Ukrainian border, swarms of FPV (first-person view) kamikaze drones struck four Russian air bases. These were home to the Kremlin's strategic long-range bombers. Yesterday Kyiv claimed that in a stroke it had destroyed 34 per cent of Russia 's heavy bomber fleet, inflicting some $7billion worth of damage. Mobile phone footage of palls of smoke rising from the bases during the attacks, video feed from the drones and satellite images of the aftermath: all seem to bear out the claim. The operation was an astonishing triumph. Russian military bloggers have likened the attack's surprise and devastation to that inflicted by the Japanese on the US Navy at Pearl Harbour. But how on earth did the Ukrainians manage to pull it off? As more information emerges from a triumphant Kyiv and a humiliated Moscow, we can start to piece together the Spider's Web story. Since the full-scale invasion of Ukraine began in February 2022, Russia's heavy bomber fleet has caused widespread death and destruction. Originally designed during the Cold War as strategic nuclear bombers, the aircraft have been repurposed to carry conventional 'stand-off' cruise missiles. These are launched from inside Russian airspace, well out of reach of Ukrainian air defence systems. All three of the heavy bomber variants in service have immense payloads. The TU-95 'Bear', a turboprop relic of the 1950s, can carry 16 air-launched cruise missiles. The TU-22 'Blinder', Russia's first supersonic bomber, has the capacity to launch the supersonic Kh-22 missile, which has the speed to evade most Ukrainian air defences. The TU-160 'Blackjack', Russia's most modern strategic bomber, can carry up to 24 Kh-15 cruise missiles on one mission. These planes have brought nightly terror to Ukrainian cities. Nothing could be done to stop them, it seemed. Due to the growing range and accuracy of the Ukrainian attack drone fleet, the bombers had been moved to bases deep inside Russia that weren't vulnerable to retaliation. Some were as far away as Siberia and the Arctic Circle. So, 18 months ago, President Volodymyr Zelensky summoned SBU chief Lieutenant General Vasyl Maliuk and told him to find a way to take the war to the heavy bombers' hideouts. How though to strike thousands of kilometres beyond the range of Ukraine's furthest- reaching missile or drone? Not to mention penetrating one of the world's most sophisticated air defence systems? Then someone had an idea that must have sounded crazy at first – like Barnes Wallis suggesting his bouncing bomb. Why not drive the kamikaze drones in trucks up to the perimeter of the air bases and launch them over the fence? To do this, the drones would need to be smuggled into Russia and hidden somewhere secure. When the time came to attack, the UAV swarms would have to be concealed on commercial vehicles that would not arouse suspicion. And that is aside from the issue of launching the drones at the targets in such a way that would not expose the operators or agents on the ground to immediate reprisal or capture. A base was needed inside the Russian Federation from which the Spider's Web logistics could be marshalled and the attack launched. That meant, of course, there would have to be a Ukrainian agent on the ground, far behind enemy lines, at enormous personal risk. The indications are that the location chosen for Spider's Web's Russian 'office' – as President Zelensky called it – was the small city of Chelyabinsk. It lies more than 1,000 miles east of Moscow but – and this might have been significant for the smuggling aspect of the operation – only 85 miles by road north of the border with neutral Kazakhstan. Russian mili-bloggers have identified a warehouse in Chelyabinsk as being the Spider's Web hub. Rented for 350,000 rubles (£3,250) a month, this was allegedly where the drones and their launchers were assembled and sent on their way. Zelensky also suggested that the 'office' was next door to the local headquarters of the FSB – the federal security service that replaced the KGB. He did not reveal the location. But who was to run this extremely complex and high stakes operation? The man whom the Russian Interior Ministry suspect of being the local mastermind is of course Artem Tymofieiev. His name and photograph are being circulated by the authorities, his capture a priority. According to Russian sources, Tymofieiev was born in the Ukrainian city of Zhytomyr, lived in Kyiv and moved to Chelyabinsk 'several years ago', working as an 'entrepreneur'. Was he a sleeper agent from the start? If so, he made no secret of his support for Ukraine, friends are alleged to have said. But how could he be a threat in such a strategically insignificant place, thousands of miles from the war? He was, as one Russian blogger has put it, 'a wolf in sheep's clothing'. The drones were to be carried to the targets and launched remotely from wooden cabins carried on the flat beds of heavy lorries. According to President Zelensky they were then piloted remotely to their targets. Four air bases had been identified: Belaya airfield in Irkutsk oblast, Siberia, more than 4,000km from Ukraine; the Olenya air base in the Arctic Circle near Murmansk; the Diaghilev air base in Ryazan oblast; and a base near the city of Ivanovo. How to get the drones from the Kazakh border to these places? Chelyabinsk is 2,000 miles from Murmansk, 1,750 miles to Irkutsk and more than 1,000 miles to the other two bases. But such distances are routinely traversed by Russian lorry drivers. And that was the brilliantly simple method by which this high-tech attack was progressed. 'Artem' seems to have employed four unwitting heavy goods drivers to transport what they thought were simply wooden framed houses to different locations across the Russian Federation. According to the SBU, the drones were hidden under the house roofs. According to Russian sources, the trucks were all registered to 'Artem'. Driver Alexander Z, 55, from Chelyabinsk has reportedly told investigators he received an order to transport 'frame houses' to the Murmansk region from a businessman named Artem, who provided the truck. Driver Andrei M, 61, reportedly said he was told by Artem to transport wooden houses to Irkutsk. Driver Sergey, 46, had an identical story. He was told to transport modular houses to Ryazan. Another driver was sent to Ivanovo. So the scene was set for Spider's Web's spectacular denouement. The 48 hours leading up to Zero Hour saw Ukraine's intelligence services demonstrating its ability to launch ever deeper strikes into enemy territory – and Russia striking back with record ferocity. Last Friday, Ukraine struck targets in Vladivostok, on the Pacific coast. Seven thousand miles from the frontier, this was the furthest that Ukraine had hit inside Russia. The following night, at least seven people were killed and another 69 injured, after a train bound for Moscow was derailed by an explosion in Bryansk oblast, which borders Ukraine. Retaliation was not long coming. Within hours Russia launched its biggest drone blitz of the war – 472 UAVs in one night. The following morning, Sunday, June 1, a Russian missile struck a training ground in Dnipro oblast, killing 12 soldiers and wounding 60 more. This prompted the Commander of Land Forces Major General Mykhailo Drapatyi to tender his resignation. A blow for Ukraine. But as nothing to what it would strike in return. Sunday, June 1, approximately 1pm local time. It is Russia's Military Transport Aviation Day. While en route, Driver Alexander Z had been called on his mobile by an unknown person who told him exactly where to stop. This was the Rosneft petrol station next to the Olenya air base. Driver Andrei M had been briefed to park at the Teremok cafe in Usolye-Sibirskoye, beside the Belaya base. Almost as soon as the drivers stopped where instructed, the world seemed to explode around them. According to the SBU, the truck trailer roofs were 'remotely opened' and the drone swarms launched from within. They had only a few hundred metres to reach their targets. Surprise was complete and local defences helpless. As all four attacks were launched at the same time, it seems, no alert could be usefully circulated. Social media footage of the Belaya attack appears to show drones emerging from the rear trailer of Andrei M's articulated wagon. It is parked on the far side of a busy highway which runs alongside the air base perimeter. What looks like roofing panels are lying on the ground beside the truck, suggesting that they were blown off rather than hinged. Driver Sergey did not even get the chance to stop before the roof of his Scania truck's trailer blew off and more drones began flying out and towards the target base. Some 117 kamikaze drones were used in the attacks, according to President Zelensky, controlled by the same number of pilots. Each air base could have been hit by as many as 30 drones simultaneously. Sources suggest that the SBU used Russia's own mobile network to communicate with and guide the large 'quadcopter' drones. To do so they must have had Russian sim cards or modems. The targets were sitting ducks, the destruction immense. The Ukrainians released video from a drone flying over a line of Russian heavy bombers neatly parked at Belaya. One of the bombers is hit by another drone, which explodes as the camera drone approaches. Among the 41 aircraft claimed destroyed by the Ukrainians is a Beriev A-50 early warning and control plane, of which Russia has fewer than ten. The first satellite images of the aftermath at Belaya appear to show six TU-22 type bombers destroyed and a TU-95MS visibly damaged. 'We will strike them at sea, in the air and on the ground,' the SBU declared. 'If needed we'll get them from the underground too.' And what of the mysterious Mr Tymofieiev? All those behind the operation 'have been in Ukraine for a long time' now, the SBU claims. Spider's Web's triumph, it seems, is complete.