Why Is Dog Walking Prohibited In Iran? Authorities Extend The Ban To More Cities
Iran has expanded a ban on walking dogs in public to more than 20 cities, due to concerns over public health, social order and safety, local media reported. The cities where the ban has been imposed include Kermanshah, Ilam, Hamadan, Kerman, Boroujerd, Robat Karim, Lavasanat and Golestan, according to a report by Tehran-based Faraz News. Similar restrictions were first introduced in the capital city of Tehran in 2019, sparking controversy and criticism among citizens.
The Iranian authorities claim that dog walking poses health risks to the public. They also argue that dog walking can lead to safety issues. However, they haven't provided specifics on these concerns.
Authorities have been cracking down on dog owners who violate the ban, leading to arrests and resistance, as per reports.
Etemad, which is a reformist newspaper, on Sunday quoted an official from Ilam city as saying that "legal action will be taken against violators". The quote didn't have any other details.
The latest measures were aimed at "maintaining public order, ensuring safety and protecting public health", the state newspaper Iran said on Saturday.
As quoted by the Iran newspaper, Abbas Najafi, the prosecutor of the western city of Hamedan, said, "Dog walking is a threat to public health, peace and comfort."
Why is dog walking banned in Iran?
The ban has been imposed through local directives and police orders as no national legislation has been passed. However, there are some articles in Iran's Penal Code and Constitution that enable authorities to impose such bans, which are Article 638 on public morality, Article 688 on threats to public health and Article 40 of the Constitution, which prohibits harm to others.
Some reports have claimed that the ban aims at maintaining social order and upholding the country's official religion, Shia Islam. Some think the ban is a force against Western cultural influence. Many religious scholars believe that petting dogs or coming into contact with their saliva is ritually impure.
"Offenders will face consequences if they are seen walking dogs in parks, public spaces, or carrying them on their vehicles," Khalkhal's public prosecutor, Mozaffar Rezaei in northwest Iran's Ardabil province, said in remarks to Islamic Republic News Agency (ILNA) published Sunday. The ban came into effect on June 6.
Hashtags
Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
Time of India
27 minutes ago
- Time of India
Gautam Adani visits Chinese equipment makers as US legal woes linger
Indian billionaire Gautam Adani traveled to China last week to meet industrial equipment manufacturers, marking what appears to be his first overseas trip since the US unveiled criminal and civil cases against him in November. The visit, including to a solar module maker, underscores Adani's continued efforts to maintain momentum in renewables even as he faces heightened scrutiny abroad. Sagar Adani , who oversees the green arm of the conglomerate's sprawling empire, accompanied his uncle on the trip, according to a social media post by one of the companies he visited. The trip to China could signal a renewed push for international engagement as Gautam Adani tries to shake off controversies, from US legal troubles to investor concerns about corporate governance practices, following a bruising short-seller report in early 2023. by Taboola by Taboola Sponsored Links Sponsored Links Promoted Links Promoted Links You May Like The Prices of Solar Panels Might Actually Surprise You Solar Panels | Search Ads Get Info Asia's second-richest person, along with his nephew Sagar, face criminal and civil charges in the US over their alleged involvement in a $250 million bribery scheme to pay regional officials in India to lock in solar-power contracts. — BROAD_ltd (@BROAD_ltd) Live Events The Adani Group has denied the claims, though both Gautam and Sagar have curtailed their international travel since the indictment was announced. The Indian conglomerate is building one of the largest renewable energy parks — five times the size of Paris — near India's western coast with solar panels and wind turbines. The billionaire visited a Jinko Solar Co. manufacturing plant, inspecting the facility's automated production lines, the Shanghai-based company said in a statement on June 4. Its energy storage solutions are well-suited to India's high-temperature conditions and will be integrated into Adani's projects to bolster grid stability and renewable energy absorption, it said. Adani also visited Broad Group's facilities, the Chinese firm said in a post on X. The company has a range of subsidiaries that includes a wind turbine manufacturer. A spokesperson for Adani didn't immediately comment. The group's renewable energy ramp up plans are crucial for two of Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi 's policy pledges — making the country carbon neutral by 2070 and self-reliant, especially in manufacturing. India is one of the biggest markets for China's solar modules and Adani's visit could also signal room for better business ties between the two countries. While relations between the nuclear-armed neighbors remain fraught, there have recently been signs of a thawing. In January, they agreed to resume direct flights, facilitate visas and restart sharing data of trans-border rivers. A few months later, the nations announced the resumption of an annual pilgrimage to the Tibet Autonomous Region, organized by India's foreign ministry, that had been suspended for years after border clashes erupted.
The Hindu
an hour ago
- The Hindu
Sri Lanka's 13th Amendment at a Crossroads: Can the NPP Deliver on Minority Rights and Devolution?
Published : Jun 11, 2025 14:42 IST - 5 MINS READ Until a new, inclusive constitution is developed, Sri Lanka should implement the provisions of the 13th Amendment to its Constitution and hold elections to the provincial councils in the island nation, an academic study has said. The study, titled 'Divided and weakened: the collapse of minority politics in Sri Lanka', has been authored by Sri Lankan-British scholar Farah Mihlar and was released on June 11 by the Minority Rights Group, an international human rights organisation, and Oxford Brookes University. According to the study, the need of the hour was 'constitutional reforms that strengthen minority rights and non-discrimination'. The study also wanted the Sri Lankan government to find 'a political solution to the ethnic conflict acceptable to all communities that involves devolving power to minorities beyond the Thirteenth Amendment.' Also Read | Anura Dissanayake: The outsider with a difference The report acknowledged the fact that the Anura Kumara Dissanayake-led National People's Power (NPP) government, with its two-thirds majority, has a unique opportunity to transform the national narrative. Historic opportunity for NPP It said: 'The NPP historic opportunity to produce a constitution that represents all communities in Sri Lanka. Considering the many rights and justice claims that have a long history and were causes of the conflict, earnestly resolving them should be a priority for all political parties, mainstream national and ethnic minority ones alike, to ensure a just and lasting peace in Sri Lanka.' The 13th Amendment to the Sri Lankan Constitution devolves powers to the Tamil-dominated Northern and Eastern provinces, and was part of an accord signed by Sri Lankan President J.R. Jayawardene and Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi in 1987. That accord still remains the only hope for some autonomy for the Tamils of Sri Lanka. Rajiv Gandhi's defeat in the 1989 general election and the subsequent instability in India's polity for the next few years gave Sri Lanka the escape route it was looking for. The killing of Rajiv Gandhi in 1991 and the lack of interest in the Sri Lankan solution during Narasimha Rao's tenure as Prime Minister (1991-96) ensured that India did not push forward the implementation of the accord. However, many Sri Lankan politicians, across the ethnic divide, find the 13th Amendment unacceptable. Sinhala politicians consider it Indian interference in Sri Lankan affairs, while Tamil politicians say that the amendment will be of no effective consequence because power will only be transferred from the Sinhala majoritarian government in Colombo to the Governors appointed by the same federal government to the provinces. The NPP government, which was propelled to power because of people's disenchantment with the established political parties, has held elections to the local bodies. But so far, it has not announced a firm date for elections to the provincial councils. In the local body elections, NPP won a huge majority, winning over 250 of the 339 local body councils, but its vote share dropped by an alarming 34 per cent compared to the 2024 parliamentary election. In April 2025, when Dissanayake met Prime Minister Narendra Modi in New Delhi, Modi urged him to hold provincial elections. Collapse of minority politics The Farah Mihlar study noted that 'ethnic minority parties from all three minority communities [Tamils, Muslims and plantation Tamils] have splintered into several factions, and the larger, more popular ones are internally deeply divided. These divides have been caused in part as a consequence of majoritarian nationalism, but also due to weak leadership and allegations of corruption within parties.' The study concluded that minorities in the country have 'lost almost all space in the big political parties in Sri Lanka'. These parties cater to Sinhala nationalism and view this as the one and only route to political power. Minority politics in the nation is collapsing because of a host of factors ranging from corruption to minority political parties taking extreme positions. Since the end of the civil war in 2009, prominent minority parties, including the largest party, the Ilankai Tamil Arasu Kachchi (ITAK), have struggled to define their political path, given the prevalence of Tamil ultranationalism in the areas formerly affected by the civil war. The study said: 'Ethnic minority parties from among the second largest minority, Muslims, and the smaller Malaiyaga Tamil community (of recent Indian origin), present a story of disarray, division and lost credibility. These parties have erratically switched allegiances with nationalist mainstream parties trying to capitalise on shifting alliances and coalition formation, which eventually damaged them deeply. Their own lack of openness to new leadership and progressive reforms, amidst allegations of corruption, has not helped their cause.' Change in strategy At the national level, the study noted that there has been a change in strategy on minority representation: instead of fielding minority candidates, these parties are forming alliances and coalitions with ethnic minority parties while offering less space inside their own parties for both minority representatives and minority issues. Also Read | Is Sri Lanka witnessing a shift in its ethnic politics? It added: 'Minority representatives who have been elected from the former two major parties, the United National Party (UNP) and the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP), and their various fronts have felt isolated, with little opportunity to take up minority issues in national party agendas.' It is in this context that recent NPP actions in many councils need to be seen. In Batticaloa, for instance, ITAK joined hands with the main opposition party, the Samagi Jana Balawegaya. to win the post of Mayor. The NPP, which stands for clean politics, joined hands with Tamil Makkal Viduthalai Puligal, whose leader, Pillayan, is in jail on a kidnapping and killing charge. He is also accused of aiding and abetting those behind the April 2019 Easter attacks. Shanakiyan Rasamanickam, MP and ITAK leader, said: 'Given that Pillayan remains in custody over multiple serious allegations, the NPP's willingness to align with such a figure in pursuit of power has raised serious concerns.' As of today, with 159 MPs NPP's dominance in parliament is absolute. But it is increasingly under attack for its policies and what is seen as a lack of competence in governance. Despite the setbacks in governance, NPP has the unique opportunity to go beyond what other ruling combines have attempted on the political reconciliation front so far.
News18
an hour ago
- News18
Disbanding Awami League Could Lead To Identity Crisis For Bangladesh
Last Updated: Awami League led a long political struggle for Bangladesh's emancipation. By rejecting this legacy, Bangladesh might end up shooting itself in the foot On May 10, 2025, the interim government in Bangladesh further amended the International Crimes (Tribunals) Act, 1973 through ordinance no. 20, 2025. It thus authorised the tribunal to suspend and prohibit the activities of any political party (including its front organisations), cancel its registration and confiscate its property if found guilty of aiding, inciting or conspiring in any crimes mentioned in the statute. The Yunus administration, however, was unwilling to wait for the tribunal's verdict. On the same day, it hastily announced a ban on all activities of Awami League, pending the disposal of cases against it. On May 8, the Yunus administration had created a second three-member tribunal with former High Court judge Nazrul Islam Chowdhury as its chairman. The existing three-member tribunal under Justice Mohammed Ghulam Murtaza Mazumdar has been re-designated as International Crimes Tribunal-I (ICT-I). The interim government has redefined the objective of the tribunal, established on March 25, 2010. Its original purpose was to prosecute and punish those guilty of genocide and crimes against humanity during the Bangladesh Liberation War, 1971. A second tribunal was created on March 22, 2012 to expedite pending trials, but the two were merged on September 15, 2015, after the caseload decreased significantly. The tribunal was essentially created by Sheikh Hasina's administration (though its conception dates back to her father Mujibur Rahman's government). Ironically, she now finds herself subject to its scrutiny. There was initial disagreement on whether approximately 1,400 lives lost in police firing during anti-quota protests (15 July to 5 August 2024) constituted genocide. The father of a student belonging to Students Against Discrimination filed a complaint with the ICT against nine people, including deposed Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina. Professor Asif Nazrul, Advisor on Law, Justice and Parliamentary Affairs in the interim government, opined that the July killings qualified for trial by the tribunal. The tribunal had previously ruled that crimes against humanity need not be specific to war. Banning political parties is not new in Bangladesh. Sheikh Mujibur Rahman initiated this practice. Not content with Awami League's overwhelming majority (307 out of 315 seats) in Bangladesh's first general election (March 7, 1973), Mujib amended the 1972 Constitution on January 25, 1975, changing the government from parliamentary to presidential. Mujib, as Marcus Franda (1982) states, 'was vested with all executive power and authorized to declare Bangladesh as a one-party state. In subsequent months he abolished all political parties, stripped the supreme court of its powers to enforce fundamental rights, created special courts and tribunals directly answerable to him, and closed down all but four daily newspapers (two in English, and two in Bengali). All four of the newspapers that were allowed to exist were either government or party owned". (Bangladesh: The First Decade, p. 55). On June 6, 1975, 40 days before his assassination in a coup, Mujib formally ended multiparty democracy in Bangladesh by establishing one-party rule under Bangladesh Krishak Sramik Awami League (BKSAL). Bangladesh subsequently fell under the rule of military dictators General Ziaur Rahman and General H.M. Ershad, who governed for 15 years combined. In the last 50 years, Bangladesh has experienced coups, military dictatorships, controversial elections, political violence, and attempts to create an Islamist state. Even the two-party democracy in place since 1991 devolved into confrontational politics, often dubbed the 'battle of the Begums". In 2007, under the caretaker government of President Iajuddin Ahmed, a controversial 'minus two" formula was devised to restore democracy by excluding both Sheikh Hasina and Begum Khaleda Zia from politics. Both leaders were arrested. This unpopular formula faced backlash and was abandoned. It resurfaced recently when BNP General Secretary Mirza Fakhrul Islam Alamgir mentioned it disapprovingly. III Both Sheikh Mujib and Sheikh Hasina exhibited authoritarian tendencies, seeking to eliminate political opponents. Their personalities often overshadowed the party itself. However, the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) has demonstrated similar tendencies. When in power (e.g., 1991-96 and 2001-06), the BNP attempted to manipulate elections, leading to the introduction of caretaker governments, demonstrating the immaturity of Bangladeshi democracy. Yet, banning Awami League is different. It threatens Bangladesh's identity. Ahmed Sofa (1943-2001), the late Bangladeshi essayist, poet and public intellectual, suggested that while Awami League's triumph might signify the victory of a few leaders, its defeat represents a loss for all of Bangladesh (Bangali Musalmaner Mon, p. 17). This is due to the party's historical roots in the struggle of the people of East Bengal. Sofa acknowledged Awami League's shortcomings, including its superficial secularism, which he considered a political tool incapable of addressing obscurantism and dogmatism within Muslim society, hindering Bangladesh's social progress. Nevertheless, Awami League spearheaded nation-building in East Pakistan, culminating in Bangladesh's independence. Founded as Awami Muslim League Party on 23 June 1949 under Maulana Abdul Hamid Khan Bhashani (1880-1976), its initial leadership comprised dissidents from the Pakistan Muslim League (formerly All India Muslim League). Before partition, the All India Muslim League prioritised the creation of Pakistan, neglecting governance issues that later plagued the new state. The party became an exclusive clique, restricting membership, which fuelled discord. The East Pakistan Awami Muslim League (estd. 1949) was among several dissident parties emerging from the Muslim League. By the end of 1949, according to Shyamali Ghosh (1990), around 20 opposition parties existed in Pakistan, including 13 in Punjab, eight formed by dissident Muslim Leaguers (The Awami League 1949-1971, p. 2). The Awami Muslim League's influence grew. In the 1954 provincial elections, its alliance with the Krishak Sramik Party, led by A.K. Fazlul Huq, and other smaller parties, campaigning on a 21-point demand (commemorating the Bengali language martyrs of 21 February 1952), decisively defeated the Muslim League, which secured only nine seats compared to the United Front's 229. The United Front's manifesto, essentially Awami Muslim League's charter of demands, was condensed from 42 to 21 points by journalist and lawyer Abul Mansur Ahmad. 'Neither in the manifesto of Awami League nor in that of Krishak Sramik Party", notes Justice Muhammad Munir (1979), 'was there any reference to Islam or the Quran and Sunnah" (From Jinnah to Zia, p. xvii). At its Dacca session from October 21-23, 1955, Awami Muslim League dropped 'Muslim" from its name. The Awami League (1956) advocated for abolishing separate electorates, a colonial legacy. Prime Minister H.S. Suhrawardy, leading a coalition of Awami League and the Republican Party, piloted the Joint Electorate Bill on 10 October 1956. Joint electorates were introduced in East Pakistan, but separate electorates remained in the west, highlighting Pakistan's internal divisions. 'In spite of economic backwardness", comments Badruddin Umar, 'East Bengal was an advanced region in respect of social, cultural and political developments. Owing to its cultural and political backwardness and predominantly feudal composition of leadership in West Pakistan they cling to old prejudices" (The Emergence of Bangladesh Vol-1, p. 329). On 3 April 1957, the East Pakistan Legislative Assembly adopted a resolution on regional autonomy, moved by Mohiuddin Ahmad of Awami League and addressed by his party colleague and United Front minister Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. Mujib described regional autonomy as crucial for East Bengal. The resolution demanded full autonomy for East Pakistan except for currency, foreign affairs, and defence, which would remain with the Centre. Mujib elaborated on regional autonomy and democracy in his booklet 'Six-Point Formula — Our Right to Live" (March 1966), published during Field Marshal Ayub Khan's military dictatorship (1958-69) after the 1965 Indo-Pakistani War. This Six-Point Formula became Awami League's programme. Ayub Khan attempted to implicate Mujib in the Agartala Conspiracy Case (1968), alleging collusion with India to divide Pakistan. However, he withdrew the case under pressure from public agitation in East Pakistan, compounded by his precarious position in West Pakistan. The 1969 agitations in East Bengal foreshadowed the 1971 uprising. Awami League thus prepared the ground for Bangladesh's independence. It won 167 of 169 East Bengal seats in the 1970 National Assembly elections (total strength 313). Whether Bangladesh would have emerged if Yahya Khan had allowed Mujib to become Prime Minister is debatable. However, the March 1971 uprising demonstrated East Bengal's determination to achieve sovereignty, with or without Mujib, who was imprisoned in Mianwali jail in West Pakistan. top videos View all Awami League's governance has been authoritarian at times, but so has that of the BNP and General Ershad. In a democracy, parties naturally cycle in and out of power. However, banning Awami League creates an identity crisis for Bangladesh. Denying its historical heritage could lead the nation in unpredictable directions. The writer is the author of 'The Microphone Men: How Orators Created a Modern India' (2019) and an independent researcher based in New Delhi. Views expressed in the above piece are personal and solely that of the authors. They do not necessarily reflect News18's views. Location : New Delhi, India, India First Published: June 11, 2025, 14:32 IST News opinion Opinion | Disbanding Awami League Could Lead To Identity Crisis For Bangladesh
