
We're all vulnerable to a Ukraine-style drone strike
Ukrainians are celebrating the success of one of the most audacious coups of the war against Russia – a coordinated drone strike on June 1 on five airbases deep inside Russian territory.
Known as Operation Spiderweb, it was the result of 18 months of planning and involved the smuggling of drones into Russia, synchronized launch timings and improvised control centers hidden inside freight vehicles.
Ukrainian sources claim more than 40 Russian aircraft were damaged or destroyed. Commercial satellite imagery confirms significant fire damage, cratered runways, and blast patterns across multiple sites, although the full extent of losses remains disputed.
The targets were strategic bomber aircraft and surveillance planes, including Tu-95s and A-50 airborne early warning systems. The drones were launched from inside Russia and navigated at treetop level using line-of-sight piloting and GPS pre-programming.
Each was controlled from a mobile ground station parked within striking distance of the target. It is reported that a total of 117 drones were deployed across five locations. While many were likely intercepted, or fell short, enough reached their targets to signal a dramatic breach in Russia's rear-area defense.
The drone platforms themselves were familiar. These were adapted first-person-view (FPV) multirotor drones. These are ones where the operator gets a first-person perspective from the drone's onboard camera.
These are already used in huge numbers along the front lines in Ukraine by both sides. But Operation Spiderweb extended their impact through logistical infiltration and timing.
Nations treat their airspace as sovereign, a controlled environment: mapped, regulated and watched over. Air defence systems are built on the assumption that threats come from above and from beyond national borders. Detection and response also reflect that logic. It is focused on mid and high-altitude surveillance and approach paths from beyond national borders.
But Operation Spiderweb exposed what happens when states are attacked from below and from within. In low-level airspace, visibility drops, responsibility fragments and detection tools lose their edge. Drones arrive unannounced, response times lag and coordination breaks.
Spiderweb worked not because of what each drone could do individually, but because of how the operation was designed. It was secret and carefully planned of course, but also mobile, flexible and loosely coordinated.
The cost of each drone was low, but the overall effect was high. This isn't just asymmetric warfare, it's a different kind of offensive capability – and any defence needs to adapt accordingly.
On Ukraine's front lines, where drone threats are constant, both sides have adapted by deploying layers of detection tools, short-range air defenses and jamming systems. In turn, drone operators have turned to alternatives.
One option is drones that use spools of shielded fibre optic cable. The cable is attached to the drone at one end and to the controller held by the operator at the other. Another option involves drones with preloaded flight paths to avoid detection.
Fiber links, when used for control or coordination, emit no radio signal and so bypass radio frequency (RF) -based surveillance entirely. There is nothing to intercept or jam. Preloaded paths remove the need for live communication altogether. Once launched, the drone follows a pre-programmed route without broadcasting its position or receiving commands.
As a result, airspace is never assumed to be secure but is instead understood to be actively contested and requiring continuous management. By contrast, Operation Spiderweb targeted rear area airbases where more limited adaptive systems existed.
The drones flew low, through unmonitored gaps, exploiting assumptions about what kind of threat was faced and from where. Tu-95 bombers were among the planes destroyed. Photo: Almaz Mustafin via The Conversation
Spiderweb is not the first long-range drone operation of this war, nor the first to exploit gaps in Russian defences. What Spiderweb confirms is that the gaps in airspace can be used by any party with enough planning and the right technology.
They can be exploited not just by states and not just in war. The technology is not rare and the tactics are not complicated. What Ukraine did was to combine them in a way that existing systems could not prevent the attack or maybe even see it coming.
This is far from a uniquely Russian vulnerability – it is the defining governance challenge of drones in low-level airspace. Civil and military airspace management relies on the idea that flight paths are knowable and can be secured. In our work on UK drone regulation, we have described low-level airspace as acting like a common pool resource.
This means that airspace is widely accessible. It is also difficult to keep out drones with unpredictable flight paths. Under this vision of airspace, it can only be meaningfully governed by more agile and distributed decision-making.
Operation Spiderweb confirms that military airspace behaves in a similar way. Centralised systems to govern airspace can struggle to cope with what happens at the scale of the Ukrainian attacks – and the cost of failure can be strategic.
Improving low-level airspace governance will require better technologies, better detection and faster responses. New sensor technologies such as passive radio frequency detectors, thermal imaging, and acoustic (sound-based) arrays can help close current visibility gaps, especially when combined. But detection alone is not enough.
Interceptors, including capture drones (drones that hunt and disable other drones), nets to ensnare drones and directed energy weapons such as high-powered lasers are being developed and trialed. However, most of these are limited by range, cost or legal constraints.
Nevertheless, airspace is being reshaped by new forms of access, use and improvisation. Institutions built around centralized ideas of control; air corridors, zones, and licensing are being outpaced.
Security responses are struggling to adapt to the fact that airspace with drones is different. It is no longer passively governed by altitude and authority. It must be actively and differently managed.
Operation Spiderweb didn't just reveal how Ukraine could strike deep into Russian territory. It showed how little margin for error there is in a world where cheap systems can be used quietly and precisely.
That is not just a military challenge. It is a problem where airspace management depends less on central control and more on distributed coordination, shared monitoring and responsive intervention. The absence of these conditions is what Spiderweb exploited.
Michael A Lewis is professor of operations and supply management, University of Bath
This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

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RTHK
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Moscow warns retaliation coming over airbase attacks
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Asia Times
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For Russia's Vladimir Putin, using Shaheds is not all about military benefit. Politically, he has increasingly used Shahed attacks to project a sense of power to his domestic audiences. On May 9, Russia paraded Shaheds through Moscow's streets as part of its annual Victory Day celebrations, which had not been done in years past. Ukraine has begun employing its own OWA drones as part of the 'Spiderweb' operation to attack military and oil infrastructure across Russia. Russia's 472-drone attack is unlikely to remain its largest attack for long. Putin has shown a determination to expand the scale and tempo of his drone campaign and resist Ukraine's calls for a permanent 'ceasefire in the sky', but this week Ukraine's drone strategy has shown that prolonging the drone war can also have serious and unexpected effects for Moscow. So long as the conflict continues, Ukraine's defenders will find themselves facing more, and better, drones aimed at their cities. But increasingly, it looks like Russia must worry about Ukraine's drone capabilities too. Marcel Plichta is PhD Candidate in the School of International Relations, University of St Andrews This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.


Asia Times
a day ago
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Did Trump know about Ukraine's drone blitz in advance?
Ukraine's strategic drone strikes on Sunday against elements of Russia's nuclear triad all across the country were an unprecedented provocation that risks a dramatic worsening of the conflict. Speculation has since swirled about whether Trump knew about these attacks in advance, which his Press Secretary denied. What follows are five relevant points, each accompanied by brief arguments about why they either do or do not prove that he really was aware, which will help readers make up their own mind: 1. Trump is Pushing For A Record Trillion-Dollar Defense Budget * Escalating and then maintaining tensions with Russia, but importantly keeping them manageable, would create a sense of urgency in Congress for passing this record budget by year's end and reduce opposition to it from key MAGA allies. The military-industrial complex is influential in Trump 2.0 and he himself has always boasted about how powerful he wants the US Armed Forces to become. He might thus have known about Ukraine's drone strike plans in advance, but didn't call them off for this reason. – Trump has invested a lot of political capital in trying to de-escalate tensions with Russia and caught tons of flak as a result, yet he still officially remains committed to it (at least for now), thus suggesting sincerity. Regarding his proposed defense budget, it may be more about preparing the US for war with China, rather than waging another endless war against Russia by proxy. There's also wide congressional approval for containing China, so his defense budget likely doesn't need escalated tensions with Russia to pass. 2. Trump Surprisingly Patched Up His Problems With Zelensky * The minerals deal, Trump's latest in-person meeting with Zelensky at the Vatican, and the influence of the US' permanent military, intelligence, and diplomatic bureaucracies ('deep state') might have combined to reshape Trump's perception of both Zelensky and Putin. It might therefore be that while Trump talks about peace with Putin in public, he's plotting against him during talks with Zelensky. Their latest in-person meeting could have even seen Trump approve of Zelensky's strategic drone strike plans. – Trump is profit-minded and mercurial so it makes sense that his attitude towards Zelensky changed for the better after the minerals deal was finally signed. Likewise, his inability to reach any similar or more significant deals with Putin – which are dependent on first freezing or resolving the Ukrainian conflict – accounts for his newly harsh rhetoric about him. Had Trump known about Zelensky's plans in advance, then he'd have called them off so as to not risk losing these potential deals with Putin in the aftermath. 3. Trump Warned That 'REALLY BAD' Things Might Soon Happen To Russia * His scandalous post came less than a week before Ukraine's strategic drone strikes and might have thus meant to foreshadow this unprecedented provocation, albeit in a 'plausibly deniable' way for escalation-control purposes. Trump could have also wanted to signal to Putin that he'd better accept an unconditional 30-day ceasefire or else. If that's really what happened, then he might be preparing another such post for the same reason, which he'd hope might then pressure Putin into concessions. – Critics claim that Trump sometimes bluffs as a negotiating tactic so this might have been one example of that in practice on the world's stage. The wording and timing coincidentally served the relevant interests of the Biden-era 'deep state,' which could have cooked up this unprecedented provocation long ago without him ever finding out, given that it might implicate Trump in Putin's eyes. In that event, the peace process might collapse, and Trump might thus escalate in response just like they want. 4. Axios Initially Claimed That Ukraine Informed The US In Advance * Although Axios later corrected its report to note that Ukraine did not inform the US in advance, its initial claim might have been accurate, but understandable escalation-control concerns vis-à-vis Russia could have prompted the White House to urgently request that they change it. Axios might have voluntarily complied for national security reasons or because it was coerced with legal threats. In any case, this incident convinced some people that Trump really was aware of Ukraine's plans in advance. – Axios either made an innocent error in its initial report that was then swiftly corrected, or this was a preplanned provocation by Democrat-loyal elements of the 'deep state' to falsely implicate Trump. If the second scenario is what happened, then the purpose would have been to convince Putin that Trump really was aware of Ukraine's plans in advance, which could then trigger the peace process's collapse. Even so, Russia is well aware of the 'deep state's' tricks, so it might not fall for this latest possible one. 5. Trump Has Remained Suspiciously Silent About These Attacks * For someone who seems to always have an opinion about everything, even the most mundane and random things, Trump hasn't yet said a word about Ukraine's unprecedented provocation against Russia. His suspicious silence is thus being interpreted by some as tacit approval. After all, these strategic drone strikes risk triggering the collapse of the peace process into which he's already invested so much political capital, so it follows that he'd have condemned Ukraine by now if he was really against what it did. – Trump might have been caught off guard by this just as much as Putin was if the Biden-era 'deep state' really did cook this up long ago without him ever finding out. Therefore, both of them might have agreed – whether during an unreported phone call on Sunday or during their top diplomats' one that same day – to play it cool while jointly investigating, thus keeping the peace process alive for now. In that case, Trump's silence would be temporary, and Putin would already know not to misconstrue it as acceptance. ———- Whether Trump knew about Ukraine's strategic strikes in advance will determine the extent of Russia's retaliation and whether it remains involved in the peace process. The best-case scenario from Russia's perspective is that Putin becomes convinced that Trump didn't know and that he then acts against those in his government that did, while the worst-case scenario is Putin concluding that Trump knew and either approved it, didn't care or couldn't stop it but didn't inform him. This article was first published on Andrew Korybko's Substack and is republished with kind permission. Become an Andrew Korybko Newsletter subscriber here.