logo
SIU takes aim at Hlaudi Motsoeneng for challenging court findings

SIU takes aim at Hlaudi Motsoeneng for challenging court findings

IOL News23-04-2025
The SIU to seek costs against former South African Broadcasting Corporation's CEO Hllaudi Motsoeneng for appealing a ruling of the Constitutional Court
Image: Picture: Matthews Baloyi / January 28, 2015
The head of the Special Investigating Unit (SIU), Andy Mothibi, confirmed on Wednesday that the agency plans to request appropriate costs against former SABC CEO Hlaudi Motsoeneng following his appeal to the Constitutional Court challenging previous adverse findings made against him.
This development comes after Motsoeneng filed an application for leave to appeal to the apex court, subsequent to the SIU successfully overturning a R11.5 million bonus awarded to him, which must now be repaid.
Briefing the Standing Committee on Public Accounts (Scopa), Mothibi said Motsoeneng was challenging their findings from lower courts to the Supreme Court of Appeal all the way to the Constitutional Court.
'He is going back to the Constitutional Court to review or rescind their judgment. This is where we will be qualified to say there is abuse of court process. We will ask for appropriate costs,' he said.
Mothibi charged that Motsoeneng was really abusing the legal process.
'This is really to show that, to a greater extent, he really believes that either he should not be investigated. I can't just put my head onto it.'
However, Mothibi said anyone has the right to legal recourse.
'It is his right to challenge the findings that are adverse to him. In the context of litigation process, I am of the view he is really abusing the legal process, particularly once the Constitutional Court has made a ruling,' he said.
Mothibi made the comments when the SIU briefed Scopa about the investigations it has conducted at the SABC.
The investigations emanated from proclamations authorised between 2010 and 2024.
Chief national investigating officer Zodwa Xesibe told the MPs that a proclamation was issued in 2017 following a parliamentary inquiry into the SABC affairs.
Xesibe said the investigation covered contracts, including the sale of the public broadcaster's archives.
SIU legal counsel Ntuthuzelo Vanara said one of the matters related to the R11.5 million bonus paid to Motsoeneng as 'success fee' that was set aside.
'The bonus amount increased from R11.5m because of interest to R18m. Of that amount, there has been R6m that would have been paid from his pension benefit.
"We finalised this matter,' Vanara said.
However, the court had ordered Motsoeneng's legal fees paid by SABC be repaid to the tune of R1.2m.
'He had apparently used SABC to pay his personal matters with a personal attorney. We recovered R851 981 together with interest.'
The former CEO lost an appeal bid and SABC pension fund payout to the tune of R6.4m.
Vanara also said a R52m contract with Vision View was set aside and R7m contract with Mott MacDonald, among others.
In a presentation to the Scopa, the SIU reported that Mjayeli Security was appealing a court decision that set aside the contract it was awarded after it was found to have come second in the winning bidders.
Orange background

Try Our AI Features

Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:

Comments

No comments yet...

Related Articles

The watchdogs of democracy – the vital role of SA's state institutions
The watchdogs of democracy – the vital role of SA's state institutions

Daily Maverick

time5 hours ago

  • Daily Maverick

The watchdogs of democracy – the vital role of SA's state institutions

The brilliance of South Africa's Constitution lies not in its articulation of values – dignity, equality and freedom – but in its creation of mechanisms to guard them, the Chapter Nine institutions. In the global sweep of constitutional democracies, South Africa stands apart. Not only because of our painful past or our extraordinary democratic transition, but because of the bold institutional imagination embedded in the very structure of our Constitution. Few understand this better than distinguished former Constitutional Court Justice Albie Sachs, who not only helped shape our legal framework but also carries lived experience of how fragile democracy can be and how dependent it is on the strength of its institutions. In his reflections, Sachs draws attention to an essential, but often underappreciated truth, namely that without independent, resilient and properly empowered state institutions, the lofty ideals of constitutional democracy remain little more than words on a page. Sachs' own journey sharpened his insights: after surviving a car bomb in exile that cost him an arm and an eye, he emerged not bitter, but determined, driven by one question – how could South Africa build a constitution strong enough to resist the abuse of power, yet open enough to protect dignity, freedom and justice for all? His search for constitutional models led him to Europe, where he found that in monarchies, constitutions played a minor daily role, while in republics like France and the US, they became essential tools to channel new, people-centred sovereignty. What Sachs took from this was not a romantic fascination with documents, but a practical appreciation for the 'technology' of democracy: the institutions that give a constitution life. The birth of Chapter Nine The brilliance of South Africa's Constitution, Sachs argues, lies not in its articulation of values – dignity, equality and freedom – but in its creation of mechanisms to guard them. Enter Chapter Nine institutions, or as Sachs calls them, the 'watchdogs of democracy'. Unlike many countries, South Africa did not stop at defining the three classic arms of state: the legislature, the executive and the judiciary. The drafters went further, carving out an entire constitutional chapter for a set of independent bodies whose role is to protect democracy itself. These include the Public Protector, the Independent Electoral Commission (IEC), the Human Rights Commission, the Commission for Gender Equality, the Auditor-General and several others. Why are these bodies critical? Because they serve as circuit breakers when traditional political channels fail. They are there to ensure that the abuse of power, misuse of funds or erosion of human rights does not go unchecked, even when those in power might prefer silence. The power of the Public Protector The Public Protector's journey, as Sachs recounts, is a telling example. Once seen as a non-binding investigator, it evolved into a powerful accountability tool after constitutional refinements and key Constitutional Court rulings made its recommendations binding. But here, Sachs offers a cautionary insight: institutions matter, but so do the people who lead them. Under Thuli Madonsela, the Public Protector became a symbol of fearless oversight, standing up to the highest offices in the land. Yet under other leaders, the same institution, with the same legal powers, has sometimes faltered, becoming mired in litigation and political controversy. This is not a defect of the constitutional design, but a reminder that constitutional democracy depends not only on rules but on integrity, leadership and public vigilance. The IEC and the culture of credible elections Another institution Sachs highlights is the Independent Electoral Commission (IEC), where South Africa, guided by Indian experts, learnt to navigate the complex task of running inclusive, credible elections. Sachs recounts how, even in the turbulent first elections of 1994, where irregularities were acknowledged, the major parties chose to prioritise the democratic breakthrough over narrow electoral disputes. That spirit, combined with the IEC's institutional strength, helped lay the tracks for the democratic train to move forward. Judicial independence and the Judicial Service Commission Perhaps the most critical piece of the institutional puzzle is the judiciary. Sachs recalls the fierce debates in Kempton Park where negotiators grappled with how to appoint judges in a way that balanced independence with public legitimacy. The compromise was a Judicial Service Commission (JSC) made up of legal professionals, political representatives, and presidential appointees. It ensured that the judiciary would not become an isolated elite, appointing itself without accountability, but neither would it be captured by the ruling party. This design gave South Africa one of the most powerful Constitutional Courts in the world, with the authority to strike down laws, hold Parliament and the executive to account, and even, famously, to declare aspects of the Constitution itself unconstitutional when they failed to meet the negotiated principles. The unsung hero If there is one institution Sachs singles out as an unsung hero, it is the Auditor-General (AG). Next to the courts, Sachs suggests, no body has done more to safeguard South Africa's democratic health. Why? Without rigorous oversight of public finances, democracy withers. The AG's work ensures that taxpayers' money is properly accounted for, that secret funds are subject to control, and that corruption can be exposed. Remarkably, South Africa has had a strong track record here, with successive AGs maintaining independence and credibility. The limits It would be naïve to suggest that state institutions alone can solve South Africa's challenges. Sachs is the first to acknowledge that the country remains deeply unequal, unsafe and haunted by social injustice. But crucially, he argues, we are also an open society – one with noisy, vibrant and contested democratic spaces. And much of that openness is safeguarded by the institutional architecture envisioned in Chapter Nine. These bodies are not flawless. They rely on leadership, public awareness and political will. But they offer a structural safeguard against the concentration and abuse of power, and they embody a key insight: democracy is not a once-off achievement; it is a living, breathing practice that must be nurtured, protected and constantly renewed. Hats off to the drafters As Sachs puts it, hats off to the drafters of our Constitution. In a world where many democracies are backsliding, South Africa's institutional framework remains a remarkable experiment in how to design for resilience. Yes, institutions can falter, and leaders can fail, but the genius of the constitutional arrangement is that it anticipates human fallibility and provides mechanisms to correct course. In the end, as Sachs reminds us, it is not just about watching; it is about creating. These institutions are not passive observers; they actively shape the democratic landscape, holding power to account and keeping the promises of our Constitution alive. That is the true role of state institutions in supporting constitutional democracy: they are the quiet architects of freedom, the steady hands that hold the democracy project together, even when the political winds blow hard. As South Africans, it is our job not just to defend them, but to demand they live up to their mandate. After all, as Sachs's own life has shown, the good that can come out of bad depends on what we choose to build and the institutions we choose to uphold. DM This article draws on the Inclusive Society Institute's Constitutional Insights: A Series of Talks with Judge Albie Sachs. The series is being promoted in collaboration with the Daily Maverick. Nicola Bergsteedt is a research associate of the Inclusive Society Institute. The Inclusive Society Institute is an independent non-profit institution which has as its objective the promotion of a more inclusive, just and equitable South African society.

Free 1996 Constitution booklet signed by South African greats now valued at nearly R1 million
Free 1996 Constitution booklet signed by South African greats now valued at nearly R1 million

IOL News

time7 hours ago

  • IOL News

Free 1996 Constitution booklet signed by South African greats now valued at nearly R1 million

A free 1996 booklet titled "The Constitution of the Republic of South Africa", bearing the signatures of South African greats, is now valued at nearly R1 million. Image: File "I know him, I know him and I also know her." These were the words uttered by former President Nelson Mandela when he was asked to autograph a 1996 booklet, "The Constitution of the Republic of South Africa", lovingly gathered over a few years by retired chef Neels du Plooy. Now the much-travelled booklet is on sale on Facebook Marketplace with a price tag of a million rand, which might seem steep were it not for the fact that it has the signatures of 30 iconic South African political leaders and judicial pioneers who crafted our peaceful transition to democracy. Many South Africans got a copy of the beloved booklet when it was released, but while ours have no collector value, Du Plooy's is sure to pique the interest of collectors of Mandela memorabilia and those fascinated in our transition to democracy. It has the signatures of former presidents, Nelson Mandela and Mbeki, as well as the last apartheid president, FW de Klerk and current head of state, Cyril Ramaphosa. It also bears the signature of the King of Lesotho and the first Speaker of Parliament, Frene Ginwala, Albie Sachs, Chief Justice of the Constitutional Court in 1999 and a host of others. Video Player is loading. Play Video Play Unmute Current Time 0:00 / Duration -:- Loaded : 0% Stream Type LIVE Seek to live, currently behind live LIVE Remaining Time - 0:00 This is a modal window. Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window. Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps Reset restore all settings to the default values Done Close Modal Dialog End of dialog window. Advertisement Video Player is loading. Play Video Play Unmute Current Time 0:00 / Duration -:- Loaded : 0% Stream Type LIVE Seek to live, currently behind live LIVE Remaining Time - 0:00 This is a modal window. Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window. Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps Reset restore all settings to the default values Done Close Modal Dialog End of dialog window. Next Stay Close ✕ Chef Neels du Plooy with then-President Thabo Mbeki at a game farm in 1999, where he got a signature from Mbeki and his wife, Zanele. Image: Supplied "Mandela was the only one who autographed the booklet who was interested to see who else had signed it, saying 'I know him, I know him and I know her'", Du Plooy told "Independent Media Lifestyle". Du Plooy, 71, was given a copy of the booklet by a journalist friend, and he wasted no time as a chef with Fedics to gather as many signatures as he could of the influential personalities whenever the opportunity arose. "I cooked 99 percent of them, so I always carried the booklet with me and would ask the head chef if I could ask them for autographs. "I even cooked for former President Thabo Mbeki and his wife on a game farm at Mapungubwe in 1999, where we spent four days just before Christmas, and that is when I got both their signatures," he said. He was involved in the catering for the inauguration of Mbeki. Nelson Mandela and Thabo Mbeki at the latter's inauguration as president of South Africa in 1999, both of whom signed Neels du Plooy's booklet on our Constitution. Image: Debbie Yazbek "In the late '90s, I was at the opening of the Lesotho Highlands Katse Dam and took the booklet with me, and after the meal, there were a lot of MPs, including Ramaphosa and five or six premiers of the first administration whose signatures I was able to get." That's where he also got the signature of King Letsi III, ruler of the Kingdom of Lesotho. Du Plooy managed to get the signatures of George Bizos, Mangosuthu Buthelezi, Kader Asmal, Arthur Chaskalson and Govan Mbeki. Du Plooy, who lives in Sandringham, Johannesburg, was later a chef at a restaurant in the Joburg Civic Centre in Braamfontein, and so he used that opportunity to gather signatures of important people when they came to dine. He believes it is the only booklet in the world that bears the signatures of four state presidents. But there is one signature at the top left of the first page of the booklet which he has not been able to identify. "I only got signatures of significant people at the time, so it was someone important, I am just unable to work out whose signature it is," he said. The signature at the top left of this page has turned out to be a puzzler for Neels du Plooy, who only sought the signatures of significant players in our transition to democracy. Image: Supplied Du Plooy said there is one signature he wishes it had, and that is of Roelf Meyer, who was a key drafter of the Constitution, with whom he has lost contact. The Marketplace advert states that the booklet is accompanied by a provenance certificate and official ISBN registration. "This volume is a verified original - an irreplaceable piece of South African history... Ideal for collectors of Mandela-era memorabilia, constitutional scholars or institutions preserving democratic heritage."

Nedbank denies allegations of rand manipulation by Competition Commission
Nedbank denies allegations of rand manipulation by Competition Commission

IOL News

time9 hours ago

  • IOL News

Nedbank denies allegations of rand manipulation by Competition Commission

The Constitutional Court in Johannesburg heard arguments by various banks, including Nedbank, that it was not part of a conspiracy to manipulate the rand/US dollar. Image: Timothy Bernard / Independent Newspapers Due to the cryptic nature of the allegations against Nedbank by the Competition Commission that this bank was part of a conspiracy to manipulate the rand, Nedbank has no case to answer as there is not a shred of evidence regarding any wrongdoing against it. This is according to Advocate Anthony Gotz SC, who on Wednesday told the Constitutional Court that Nedbank should never have been added as a respondent in the Competition Commission's referral of the matter to the tribunal. This argument follows the Competition Commission's appeal following last year's judgment in which the Competition Appeal Court (CAC) cleared 13 banks - including Nedbank - from facing the music in a later trial regarding the rand/US dollar manipulation saga. Advocate Tembeka Ngcukaitobi, acting on behalf of the Competition Commission, on Monday told the Constitutional Court that there is enough evidence to establish a prima facie case that they were involved in the manipulation of the rand. Video Player is loading. Play Video Play Unmute Current Time 0:00 / Duration -:- Loaded : 0% Stream Type LIVE Seek to live, currently behind live LIVE Remaining Time - 0:00 This is a modal window. Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window. Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps Reset restore all settings to the default values Done Close Modal Dialog End of dialog window. Advertisement Video Player is loading. Play Video Play Unmute Current Time 0:00 / Duration -:- Loaded : 0% Stream Type LIVE Seek to live, currently behind live LIVE Remaining Time - 0:00 This is a modal window. Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window. Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps Reset restore all settings to the default values Done Close Modal Dialog End of dialog window. Next Stay Close ✕ The Competition Commission, in its initial referral of the complaint to the Competition Tribunal, did not list Nedbank as one of the suspects. It, however, amended its referral in 2020 during which Nedbank was included as one of the alleged conspirators of the rigging of the rand. Gotz said in its application to join Nedbank, the commission pleaded a broad conspiracy against the bank, but the allegations were narrow. The allegations were based solely on the commission's assessment regarding trading data on the Reuters platform. This platform does not reflect trades - it's a public platform which simply indicates the prices at which traders are willing to buy and sell currency, Gotz said. According to him, the case against Nedbank is based on the commission's assessment of trading data over six years. 'This is not a case of Nedbank being a participant in any chatroom - in this respect Nedbank is different from the other respondents,' Gotz said. He argued that the allegations against Nedbank are skeletal and there are only a few instances which lasted minutes each on the Reuters platform, on which the commission is now relying. Gotz said these allegations are not made specifically against Nedbank, but against other banks that they had withheld quotes. This, he argued, is definitely not enough to establish that Nedbank was part of any conspiracy to rig the rand. He questioned how it could be suggested that this bank was part of an international cartel. Gotz also pointed out that the few instances the commission is relying on happened six months to a year apart. 'The commission cannot make allegations in the air. We accept that in cartel cases, it is difficult to identify each perpetrator, but this is not a licence for the commission to do what it has done,' he argued.

DOWNLOAD THE APP

Get Started Now: Download the App

Ready to dive into a world of global content with local flavor? Download Daily8 app today from your preferred app store and start exploring.
app-storeplay-store