
Lunch With Virginia Woolf
But the truth is it was more than that. When I showed up at college in the '90s—a working-class Latina plopped onto an Ivy League campus—I didn't think feminism had much to offer me. I was juggling schoolwork with multiple jobs, preoccupied by economic survival and the stigma of affirmative action, while the college women's center seemed focused on eschewing bras and makeup and organizing Take Back the Night events. 'Feminism' seemed less a political framework for equity than a rebellious identity for privileged white women. And Virginia Woolf was their patron saint.
Instead of Woolf, I read Cherríe Moraga, bell hooks, Ana Castillo, Alice Walker—writers and thinkers who understood the challenges of being a woman and living at the intersection of economic, racial, and social circumstances that each press in on you in different ways. Many times, I felt I had to set aside my interests as a woman in favor of my interests as a person of color, and I blamed much of that on the exclusionary white lens that, until recently, dominated feminist discourse. And I placed all this emotional baggage onto poor Virginia Woolf.
But that was a long time ago. In the subsequent years, life taught me that I could put other aspects of my identity first but that society would almost always put women last. And so last year, I finally cracked open A Room of One's Own. I knew that the book—technically a long essay—was based on two lectures Woolf gave in 1928, just a few months after universal suffrage was passed in England. I knew that Woolf argued that the right to vote was less crucial than financial independence. And I knew that the essay had been rediscovered in the early '70s by second-wave feminists. But now, page by page, what had once been to me nothing but a totem to feminist history revealed itself to be what I should have realized it was all along: a piece of another woman's soul.
In one afternoon, Woolf became known to me, and all my years of blind grievance melted away. Her honesty and fire and rage at the limitations put on women's minds dissolved all the layers of feminist signifiers that she had been freighted with and all the distance between us.
Oh, to spend an afternoon in thrall to her brilliant, incandescent mind! Woolf makes an elegant argument about the many ways that women's voices have been silenced, suppressed, and otherwise forgotten. And she's a beguiling polemicist, shifting easily between allegory and assertion. I found she had plenty to say to this moment, in this country where, on the one hand, I can cast a presidential ballot for a woman for the second time in my life, but on the other, my citizenship is still valued less than that of my male compatriots. I felt myself both encouraged by all that has changed and enraged by all that has remained the same.
For instance, stereotypes about what men and women can write are still going strong. A man's fictions—novels, stories, plays, films—are still more likely to deal with matters of sport or disaster or battle. And a woman's are still more likely to be concerned with domestic matters. 'This is an important book, the critic assumes, because it deals with war,' Woolf wrote. 'This is an insignificant book because it deals with the feelings of women in a drawing-room.' The dismissal of women's storytelling persists.
More important, we are still asking ourselves, a full century later, Woolf's central question: Why are women poorer than men? Woolf was disappointed not to have found 'some important statement, some authentic fact' to explain this. Now we have concrete data: White women are paid 83 percent of white men's wages; Black women and Latinas, only 69.8 percent and 64.6 percent of white men's wages, respectively. We can precisely measure the gap, and yet the gap persists. The media reports on it and legislation is proposed, but the will to change is never strong enough.
Woolf knew why. The patriarchy, she wrote, depends upon man's 'feeling that great numbers of people, half the human race indeed, are by nature inferior to himself. It must indeed be one of the chief sources of his power.' Reading this, I found myself nodding so vigorously I nearly strained my neck.
The book is, of course, limited by the blind spots of Woolf's era and experience. She is addressing her peer group: upper-class white women whose families were so bold as to allow them to be educated. Yet I still felt that, if seated across from me today, Woolf—who understood the link between the economic control of women and the control of our minds—would embrace the intersectionality that is crucial to feminism's present and future.
Early in the lectures, Woolf introduces us to the character of Mary. She is idling by a river on the campus of a university when she is struck with an 'exciting' and 'important' idea. She rushes off to write it down, but when she is stopped and scolded by a university official for walking in an area where only men are allowed to stroll, she loses her thought. I cursed the official, mourned the lost idea, and wanted to tell Woolf about Toni Morrison.
During a university lecture in 1975, Morrison spoke not of gender, but of racism, and specifically its role in limiting productivity. She warned her listeners about 'the function, the very serious function of racism, which is distraction. It keeps you from doing your work. It keeps you explaining, over and over again, your reason for being.'
As I read of Mary being shamed and turned away from the library for being a woman, I thought of Jim Crow. I wanted to tell Woolf about the reading tests given to Latinas to block them from the voting booth, and of all the other institutionalized methods of shaming and othering that have arisen since her time on earth.
Mary has a succulent lunch at the men's college, only to return to her poorly financed women's college for a paltry supper. 'One cannot think well, love well, sleep well, if one has not dined well,' Woolf writes. I wanted to tell her about my life during the recession years, when my phone rang more frequently from debt collectors than from friends, and I had no energy to write.
And so in Mary's journey, I saw parallels not just to the upper class and highly educated, but to the socioeconomically and racially marginalized as well.
If I could sit across a lunch table from Woolf now, I would also point out—lovingly—that she has probably overestimated the coddling required for a woman to produce art. Woolf, you see, hated to work. Her Mary has inherited £500 a year—the equivalent today of about $55,000. Now she need not do anything but sit in her room and think. But before the inheritance, Mary had to earn money teaching kindergarten or addressing envelopes or reading to old ladies. The work forced her to live on a budget, which she disliked, but worse 'was the poison of fear and bitterness' over having to do 'work that one did not wish to do, and to do it like a slave.'
I rolled my eyes. Inheritances don't grow on trees, and many women writers have been quite productive while working. Morrison wrote Beloved while sitting in traffic, commuting to her job at Random House. Ada Limón wrote three poetry collections while working in the marketing department of Condé Nast. I wrote much of my first novel while commuting to Hunter College to work as a fundraiser. Working, I might argue, actually helps the writer/artist access a different kind of truth in her fictions.
I might press Woolf to consider an additional requirement for freeing a woman's mind: time. Women today can obtain money and, with it, a room with a door and a lock. But this does not mean they will have the time to spend there. Since Woolf's era, time has become perhaps the rarest commodity of all for women. After the time spent earning the money, many of us run households, even when we have a partner. We are still the primary caregivers for our children and older relatives.
We have more freedom than Woolf ever had, but do we have the freedom to while away time by a river so that our thoughts can go out like so many fishing lines until they catch onto something real? Well, when that happens, it still feels as elusive and magical as it did when she gave her lectures.

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


New York Post
2 hours ago
- New York Post
Operators of anti-Israel community garden in Queens slapped with vacate order by NYC Parks Dept.
The leaders of a controversial anti-Israel community garden in Queens that forced attendees to pledge their support for Palestine are finally being ousted after months of legal wrangling. The NYC Parks Department issued a vacate order this week to the leaders of the Sunset Community Garden with a Sept. 3 deadline to leave — wrapping up a four-month fight sparked by complaints of antisemitism by the garden's organizers. 'There is no place for hate in New York City, and our community gardens should be safe, inclusive, and welcoming spaces for all New Yorkers,' Mayor Eric Adams told The Post. Advertisement 'It is reprehensible that the current operators at Sunset Community Garden barred some of their fellow New Yorkers from a city-owned public space because of their beliefs — and specifically tried to bar those who believe in a state of Israel, which the overwhelming majority of Jews do.' 4 The NYC Parks Department issued a vacate order Tuesday notifying an anti-Israel group they need to be out of a controversial Queens community garden by Sept. 3 – wrapping up a four-month fight sparked by complaints of garden organizers forcing attendees to pledge their support for Palestine. Helayne Seidman 'The Adams administration remains dedicated to stamping out hate wherever it is found,' he said. Advertisement The Parks Department had long been pushing for new management at the garden, located at Onderdonk and Willoughby avenues in Ridgewood, and revoked their license May 5, citing a breach of contract. But garden leaders ran to court claiming they were being discriminated against, prompting a judge to issue a temporary restraining order June 4 that allowed them to stay. 4 A special section of the green space was labeled 'Poppies 4 Palestine.' Instagram @sunsetgardenridgewood That order was recently lifted, allowing Parks to move forward with the ouster. Advertisement The garden opened in September 2023 at an unused lot at Grover Cleveland High School, starting out as non-political endeavor organized by the Parks Department and community leaders. However, it was soon overwhelmed by anti-Israel politics. 4 Altar to a trans activist at the Sunset Community Garden, seen through a chain-link fence. Helayne Seidman 4 The garden opened in September 2023 at unused lot at Grover Cleveland High School, starting out as non-political endeavor organized by the Parks Department and community leaders. Helayne Seidman Advertisement A special section of the green space is labeled 'Poppies 4 Palestine.' In June, garden organizer Laura Merrick renamed Sunset Community Garden to Jardin de Santa Cecilia in honor of Latina trans advocate Cecilia Gentili. The space is now home to a pair of 'altars' honoring Gentili. Merrick declined comment Friday, but her group filed a federal discrimination lawsuit July 31 against the Parks Department that is still pending.


Chicago Tribune
3 days ago
- Chicago Tribune
Harvard and the Trump administration are nearing a settlement including a $500 million payment
WASHINGTON — Harvard University and the Trump administration are getting close to an agreement that would require the Ivy League university to pay $500 million to regain access to federal funding and to end investigations, according to a person familiar with the matter. The framework is still being sorted out with significant gaps to close, but both sides have agreed on the financial figure and a settlement could be finalized in coming weeks, according to the person who spoke to The Associated Press on the condition of anonymity to discuss internal deliberations. Harvard declined to comment. The agreement would end a monthslong battle that has tested the boundaries of the government's authority over America's universities. What began as an investigation into campus antisemitism escalated into an all-out feud as the Trump administration slashed more than $2.6 billion in research funding, ended federal contracts and attempted to block Harvard from hosting international students. The university responded with a pair of lawsuits alleging illegal retaliation by the administration after Harvard rejected a set of demands that campus leaders viewed as a threat to academic freedom. Details of the proposed framework were first reported by The New York Times. A $500 million payment would be the largest sum yet as the administration pushes for financial penalties in its settlements with elite universities. Columbia University agreed to pay the government $200 million as part of an agreement restoring access to federal funding, while Brown University separately agreed to pay $50 million to Rhode Island workforce development organizations. Details have not been finalized on where Harvard's potential payment would go, the person said. The Republican president has been pushing to reform prestigious universities that he decries as bastions of liberal ideology. His administration has cut funding to several Ivy League schools while pressing demands in line with his political campaign. None has been targeted as frequently or as heavily as Harvard, the richest U.S. university with an endowment valued at $53 billion. More than a dozen Democrats in Congress who attended Harvard cautioned against a settlement on Aug. 1, warning the university it may warrant 'rigorous Congressional oversight and inquiry.' Capitulating to political demands, they said, would set a dangerous precedent across all of higher education.
Yahoo
3 days ago
- Yahoo
Harvard and the Trump administration are nearing a settlement including a $500 million payment
WASHINGTON (AP) — Harvard University and the Trump administration are getting close to an agreement that would require the Ivy League university to pay $500 million to regain access to federal funding and to end investigations, according to a person familiar with the matter. The framework is still being sorted out with significant gaps to close, but both sides have agreed on the financial figure and a settlement could be finalized in coming weeks, according to the person who spoke to The Associated Press on the condition of anonymity to discuss internal deliberations. Harvard declined to comment. The agreement would end a monthslong battle that has tested the boundaries of the government's authority over America's universities. What began as an investigation into campus antisemitism escalated into an all-out feud as the Trump administration slashed more than $2.6 billion in research funding, ended federal contracts and attempted to block Harvard from hosting international students. The university responded with a pair of lawsuits alleging illegal retaliation by the administration after Harvard rejected a set of demands that campus leaders viewed as a threat to academic freedom. Details of the proposed framework were first reported by The New York Times. A $500 million payment would be the largest sum yet as the administration pushes for financial penalties in its settlements with elite universities. Columbia University agreed to pay the government $200 million as part of an agreement restoring access to federal funding, while Brown University separately agreed to pay $50 million to Rhode Island workforce development organizations. Details have not been finalized on where Harvard's potential payment would go, the person said. The Republican president has been pushing to reform prestigious universities that he decries as bastions of liberal ideology. His administration has cut funding to several Ivy League schools while pressing demands in line with his political campaign. None has been targeted as frequently or as heavily as Harvard, the richest U.S. university with an endowment valued at $53 billion. More than a dozen Democrats in Congress who attended Harvard cautioned against a settlement on Aug. 1, warning the university it may warrant 'rigorous Congressional oversight and inquiry.' Capitulating to political demands, they said, would set a dangerous precedent across all of higher education. ___ The Associated Press' education coverage receives financial support from multiple private foundations. AP is solely responsible for all content. Find AP's standards for working with philanthropies, a list of supporters and funded coverage areas at