
Iran fires missiles at US air base in Qatar
Iran fires missiles at US air base in Qatar
An interceptor missile seen in Qatar after Iran's armed forces say they targeted the al-Udeid US base. Photo: Reuters
Iran's military said it carried out a missile attack on the al-Udeid US air base in Qatar on Monday.
Explosions were heard across the Qatari capital following Tehran's threat to retaliate for the American air strikes on its nuclear sites.
The Iranian military said the attack was "devastating and powerful".
US officials said no US personnel were killed or injured in the attack on the air base, the largest US military installation in the Middle East.
Iran, which had been warned by Washington not to retaliate or face massive US military action, had informed the US via two diplomatic channels hours ahead of the attack, as well as Qatari authorities, a senior regional source told Reuters.
Qatar's defence minister told Al Jazeera its air defences had intercepted missiles directed at the Al Udeid air base.
Iran had issued threats to retaliate against the United States after US bombers dropped 30,000-pound bunker-busters on Iranian underground nuclear facilities at the weekend, joining Israel's air war against Tehran.
The US al-Asad air base in Iraq had activated its air defence system out of concern of a potential attack, military sources told Reuters.
Iran's state media IRNA reported that Tehran had launched missiles at US military bases in Qatar and Iraq, but a US military official told Reuters there was no Iranian attack detected at any US military base other than in Qatar.
Kuwait and Bahrain have shut down its airspace starting Monday after Iran's strikes. (Reuters)

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


RTHK
an hour ago
- RTHK
Thailand blocks crossings at border with Cambodia
Thailand blocks crossings at border with Cambodia Paetongtarn Shinawatra announces measures against scam centres in Cambodia at Government House in Bangkok. File photo: Reuters Thailand's military has closed border crossings into Cambodia to almost all travellers, including tourists and traders, citing security concerns as tensions between the two Southeast Asian neighbours remain high over a simmering border dispute. The deterioration in ties was sparked by brief armed clashes in a border area that left one Cambodian soldier dead late last month. Both governments have since announced measures designed to punish the other, including Cambodia's recent suspension of all Thai fuel and gas imports. Thailand will now restrict all vehicles, tourists and traders from crossing at all land border checkpoints in seven provinces bordering Cambodia, the military said in a statement issued late on Monday, citing security concerns. There are exemptions for humanitarian reasons, such as for those needing medical attention, students and other urgent matters at the discretion of security units at checkpoints, it said. The restrictions "matched the current security situation, particularly in addressing the conflict in areas between Thailand and Cambodia that continue to intensify politically, diplomatically and militarily," it said. The military said the measures would also assist in a crackdown on illegal scam centres in Cambodia flagged by Thai Prime Minister Paetongtarn Shinawatra on Monday. Paetongtarn said Thailand would stop cross-border supplies of essentials, including electricity, to areas where illicit operations were taking place. The prime minister has been under fire for her handling of the border row, particularly after the leaking of a phone call between her and Hun Sen, Cambodia's former leader, that appeared to show her denigrating a senior Thai military commander. (Reuters)


Asia Times
2 hours ago
- Asia Times
If and when Iran closes the Strait of Hormuz
Faced with the prospect of continuing Israeli airstrikes and further American involvement, Iran's parliament has reportedly approved plans to close the Strait of Hormuz. This is potentially a very dangerous moment. The Strait of Hormuz is an important shipping lane through which 20% of the world's oil transits – about 20 million barrels each day. The waterway connects the Persian Gulf and the Gulf of Oman. Iran can either disrupt maritime traffic or attempt to 'close' the strait altogether. These are distinctly different approaches with different risks and outcomes. The first option is to try and disrupt maritime traffic like Yemen's Houthi rebels have been doing in the Red Sea since winter 2024. This can be done by attacking passing ships with rockets and drones. There are already reports that Iran has started to jam GPS signals in the strait, which has the potential to severely interfere with passing ships, according to US-based maritime analyst Windward. Disruption of this kind is likely to deter shipping companies from using this route for fear of casualties and loss of cargo. Shipping companies that want to avoid the Red Sea can always use alternative shipping lanes, such as the Cape of Good Hope route. As inconvenient as that is, there is no such option in the case of the Gulf. As we've seen with Houthis' attacks, such disruptions have impacts on oil price, but also ripple effects on stock markets and inflation. Although the US and its western allies can absorb these economic effects – certainly for a while – disrupting the strait would still demonstrate that Tehran has some leverage. The second option – 'closing' the strait would involve interdicting all maritime traffic. This is akin to a blockade. And for it to work, as we have seen in the Black Sea with Russia's failed attempt at blockading Ukraine, a blockade must be credible enough to deter all traffic. Iran has a number of ways to block the strait. It could deploy mines in the waters around the choke point and sink vessels to create obstacles. Iran would also likely use its navy, including submarines, to engage those attempting to break the blockade; use electronic and cyber attacks to disrupt navigation; and threaten civilian traffic and regional ports and oil infrastructure with drones and rockets. It's worth noting that Iran still has plenty of short-range rockets. Israel claims to have destroyed much of its longer-range ballistic-missile capability, but it is understood that the country still has a stockpile of short-range missiles that could be effective in targeting ships and infrastructure in the Gulf as well as US bases in the region. Recent events have shown up Iran as a bit of a paper tiger. It has made bold claims about its plan to retaliate and the military strength it has to do so. Yet with almost no air power capabilities (apart from drones and missiles) and limited naval power – and with its proxies either defeated or on the back foot – Iran is no longer in a position to project power in the region. Iran's response to the current Israeli attacks have not managed to inflict any major damage or achieve any strategic or political objectives. It's hard to see a change on the battlefield as things stand. Vital waterway: 20% of the world's oil transits through the Strait of Hormuz. w:en:Kleptosquirrel/Wikimedia Commons, CC BY-SA For this reason, Tehran's best option is to target the Strait of Hormuz, which has the potential to cause a significant spike in oil prices, leading to a major disruption of the global economy. Short of being able to rival the US or Israel on the battlefield, Iran might decide to use asymmetrical means of disruption (in particular, missile and drone attacks on civilian shipping) to affect the global economy. Closing or disrupting the strait would be an effective way of doing that. A blockade, even a partial one, would offer Tehran some options on the diplomatic scene. For instance, it has been reported that the US asked China to convince Iran not to close the strait. This demonstrates that Tehran can use the threat of a blockade to its advantage on the diplomatic front. But for this to work, the blockade needs to be effective and thus sustained. Disrupting traffic in the strait could drag Gulf states – Iraq, Kuwait, Saudi Arabia, UAE, Bahrain and Qatar – into the conflict, since their interests will be directly affected. It's important to consider how they might respond and whether this will drive them closer to the US – and even Israel, as was already happening with the Abraham Accords and the tentative, but shaky, rapprochement between Saudi Arabia and Israel. These are all things Iran would have factored into its calculations a year ago when Israel was targeting its proxies, including Hezbollah, Hamas and the various Shia militias it funds in Iraq and elsewhere. But now, given that it has suffered an enormous military setback, which has hurt the regime's prestige and credibility – including, importantly, at home – Tehran is more likely to downplay these risks. I would expect it to proceed with its blockade plans. Even if China voices concerns, like it did regarding the Houthis' attacks, this is unlikely to change the decision. The regime is cornered. If the leaders believe they could be toppled, they are likely to consider the risks worth taking, particularly if they feel it could give them diplomatic leverage. The US has enough naval and air power to disrupt such a blockade. It can preemptively destroy Iran's mine-laying forces. It can also target missile launch sites inland and respond to threats as and when they arise. This is likely to prevent Iran from completely closing the strait. But it won't prevent the Islamic Republic from disrupting maritime trade enough to have serious effects on the world economy. This might well be one of the last cards the regime has to play, both on the battlefield and in the diplomatic arena. Basil Germond is professor of international security, Department of Politics, Philosophy and Religion, Lancaster University This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.


Asia Times
2 hours ago
- Asia Times
Many upshots of Iran's strike on US forces in Qatar
On June 23, 2025, Iran launched a volley of missiles at Al Udeid Air Base in Qatar, the largest US military installation in the region. The strike, reportedly named Operation Basharat al-Fath ('Glad Tidings'), was Iran's direct retaliation for the US President Donald Trump's airstrikes on three Iranian nuclear sites days earlier. While most of Iran's 14 missiles were intercepted by US and Qatari air defenses, one landed near the base, there were no casualties but geopolitically, the strike was seismic. While Iran had directly attacked US forces before, most notably in Iraq in 2020 – this is the first time it has struck a US base located inside a Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) state. The Al Udeid attack thus marked a bold departure: an overt, calculated warning that the US military presence in the Gulf no longer guarantees insulation for host states. Iranian officials had warned that the American attack on its territory has 'expanded the scope of legitimate targets.' That threat is now no longer hypothetical, because with Al Udeid, Iran has firmly placed US bases on Arab soil inside its retaliatory framework. Qatar responded by closing its airspace and within hours, Bahrain, Kuwait, Iraq, and the UAE followed, shutting down one of the busiest air corridors in the world. Commercial flights were canceled or diverted. Qatar Airways suffered major disruptions, even Dubai International Airport suspended operations briefly. The economic fallout from just one attack illustrated the fragility of Gulf infrastructure in any direct US-Iran conflict. Though airspace was reopened later, the region was shaken. Even Gulf states with recent tensions like Bahrain and the UAE quickly expressed solidarity with Qatar. Bahrain called the strike a 'blatant violation of sovereignty,' and the UAE warned of the 'urgent need to de-escalate.' Iran's strike had not only raised the military stakes but also triggered a rare moment of diplomatic unity born out of shared vulnerability. For Washington, the missile strike raises urgent questions about deterrence. The US justifies its military footprint in the Gulf as a shield for allies and a check on Iran. Yet Tehran showed it was willing to directly target US assets despite the risk. Trump had boasted that his strikes 'obliterated' Iran's nuclear infrastructure and warned of 'devastating consequences' if Iran retaliated. Instead, Iran responded in a proportionate but highly symbolic manner, firing the same number of missiles as bombs dropped by the US, avoiding casualties and sparing oil infrastructure. That calibration mattered. According to Trump himself, Iran had issued advance warning of the strike. This allowed US and Qatari defenses to prepare, yet the fact that one missile still slipped through and that it reached so close to US personnel was enough to shake confidence. Al Udeid houses not only the US Air Force's Central Command operations but also thousands of American personnel. It has long been a logistical hub for operations in Iraq, Syria and Afghanistan. Iran's ability to strike it, even symbolically, reveals the limits of missile defense and the new reality: Tehran can reach even the most fortified American positions. President Trump dismissed the strike as a 'very weak' response. He emphasized that no Americans or Qataris were harmed. But this rhetoric, aimed at projecting dominance, risks alienating U.S. allies, as, from Qatar's perspective, having 14 missiles rain down on its territory, including one that evaded interception, is anything but trivial. Trump's framing may suggest to Gulf states that their suffering matters less than American casualties. That could undermine faith in US. protection. Qatar 'reserved the right to respond,' and officials in Doha and beyond are likely recalculating the cost of hosting US forces in a region where American decisions can now provoke direct retaliation. Iran's strike has obliterated the illusion that Gulf monarchies can host US power while staying neutral. Qatar has long balanced its role as a US partner with a working relationship with Tehran, they share the world's largest gas field, and Doha has hosted Iran-West diplomacy in the past. Oman has played mediator for decades but those strategies are harder to sustain when missiles are flying overhead. After the strike, Gulf states scrambled diplomatically. The UAE and Bahrain, despite ideological differences with Qatar, issued strong condemnations. These states recognize that if Iran can strike Al Udeid, it can just as easily target US facilities in the UAE or Bahrain. The GCC, fractured in recent years, may find common cause in the crisis. Iran's boldness reminded them that in the next round of escalation, they too may find themselves on the frontlines. Trump announced a 'complete and total ceasefire' between Iran and Israel hours after the missile strike. Reports suggest Oman and Qatar quietly facilitated backchannel talks. For now, both Washington and Tehran seem inclined to pause; neither side wants an uncontrollable war, but the damage has been done. Iran has now established a precedent: US military action on its soil will be answered with direct strikes regardless of whether they land in Iraq or in the Gulf. Al Udeid has become a case study in how deterrence is shifting. Iran doesn't need to destroy a base; it just needs to show that no place is safe. In the aftermath, US policymakers face hard choices. Fixed installations, such as Al Udeid, are highly vulnerable to precision missile attacks. Dispersion of assets, mobile basing, or stronger regional air defenses are all being debated. But these are not just technical questions; they require political consent from host nations. After this strike, that consent may no longer be automatic. Gulf leaders must weigh whether hosting US forces increases their security or paints targets on their territory. The equation has changed. Washington may need to provide not just Patriot batteries, but a diplomatic strategy that prevents such flare-ups in the first place. The June 2025 flare-up among the US, Iran, and Israel may go down as a regional inflection point. It revealed how tightly entangled Gulf states are in global rivalries. Qatar was not a belligerent, yet found itself under fire. Neutrality collapsed the moment missiles crossed its borders. Going forward, Gulf diplomacy will likely intensify. Doha and Muscat may again try to broker quiet channels between Iran and the West. At the same time, the political cost of confrontation has grown. Allies like Qatar now know if conflict resumes, they may bleed first. Iran's strike may not have caused physical devastation but it delivered a strategic jolt. It showed that Gulf immunity is no longer guaranteed. In today's Middle East, even hosting US forces comes with risks that can no longer be wished away.