logo
Attacker wounds another Japanese national in China's Suzhou

Attacker wounds another Japanese national in China's Suzhou

Japan Times5 days ago
An "unknown assailant" attacked and wounded a Japanese national accompanied by a child in the Chinese city of Suzhou, Tokyo's Embassy said Friday, calling on Beijing to prevent such incidents.
According to Japan-China diplomatic sources, the victim was a woman. Local authorities have detained the suspected attacker, but the motive and other details of the incident remain unclear.
The incident comes a year after a Japanese mother and child were wounded in a knife attack in the same city. A Chinese woman had died trying to stop the assailant.
In Thursday's attack, "a Japanese national walking with a child was struck by what appeared to be a rock by an unknown assailant inside a Suzhou, Jiangsu province subway station," Tokyo's Embassy in Beijing said in a statement.
A spokesperson for China's Foreign Ministry said that "the suspect has been apprehended." The victim was "promptly taken to hospital for treatment, and there is no threat to life."
China and Japan are key trading partners, but increased friction over territorial rivalries and military spending has frayed ties in recent years.
Japan's brutal occupation of parts of China before and during World War II remains a sore point, with Beijing accusing Tokyo of failing to atone for its past.
In June last year, a Japanese mother and child were attacked in Suzhou on the anniversary of the 1931 Mukden incident, known in China as a day of national humiliation.
The 1931 explosion of a railway in China was used by Japanese soldiers as a pretext to occupy the city of Mukden, now called Shenyang, and invade the wider region of Manchuria.
And in September, a Japanese schoolboy was fatally stabbed in the southern city of Shenzhen.
Media reports about the latest attack in Suzhou were censored on the Chinese messaging app WeChat.
"The Japanese government has urged the Chinese government to ... severely punish the suspect, prevent similar incidents, and ensure the safety of Japanese nationals," Tokyo's Embassy said Friday.
Beijing's Foreign Ministry said "China will continue to take effective steps, to protect the safety of foreigners in China."
Thursday's incident occurred at a time when anti-Japanese sentiment is seen as rising in China, fueled by recent films and dramas themed on the past war against Japan.
To celebrate the 80th anniversary of China's victory in the war, a military parade is scheduled to be held in Beijing in September.
Orange background

Try Our AI Features

Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:

Comments

No comments yet...

Related Articles

As Trump Lifts Sanctions on Myanmar Elites, Is the US Eyeing Rare Earth Reserves?
As Trump Lifts Sanctions on Myanmar Elites, Is the US Eyeing Rare Earth Reserves?

The Diplomat

time7 minutes ago

  • The Diplomat

As Trump Lifts Sanctions on Myanmar Elites, Is the US Eyeing Rare Earth Reserves?

As Myanmar's military pushes forward with its plan to consolidate power through sham elections, the Trump administration may be looking to bring the junta in from the cold. The military junta that overthrew Myanmar's democratically elected government in 2021 is preparing the ground for national elections in December and January. The junta's hope is these deeply flawed elections would consolidate its power and provide it with a fig leaf of legitimacy. Helping its cause are moves by the Trump administration indicating it may be looking to bring the Myanmar junta in from the cold. A week ago, U.S. President Donald Trump removed sanctions on some allies of Myanmar's generals and their military-linked companies, a move condemned by the United Nations special rapporteur on human rights in Myanmar. Then came reports the Trump administration was exploring opportunities to access Myanmar's rare earth minerals in an effort to sideline its strategic rival, China. On July 31, Myanmar's military regime canceled the nationwide state of emergency it had kept in place since the coup, a necessary precondition for holding elections under the military-authored constitution of 2008. Hours later, however, it reimposed a state of emergency in dozens of townships where opposition forces are either in control or gaining ground. It then declared martial law in these areas. This underlined the junta's lack of control over much of the country, which would make holding a free and fair election virtually impossible. Last year, the military was unable to conduct a full census to be used to compile voter rolls. It was only able to count 32 million people in just over half the country's townships; it had to estimate another 19 million people in areas outside its control. The July 31 order also handed power from the commander-in-chief of the military to a head of state, which was presented as a return to civilian governance. However, power didn't actually change hands – Min Aung Hlaing, the leader of the coup and military, remains in control as acting president. Opposition groups have said they will boycott the election, which the U.N. special rapporteur for Myanmar called a 'fraud.' Myanmar's generals may try to use Trump's apparent interest in the country's rare earths as leverage in their attempt to normalize relations with the United States ahead of a poll. Rare earths have emerged as a critical source of leverage for Beijing in the China-U.S. trade war. China is not only a large miner of rare earths; it dominates the processing required to use them, accounting for around 90 percent of global refining. In recent years, China has begun reducing its own mining and increasing its extractions from neighboring Myanmar, the third-largest producer in the world. Since the coup, rare earth mining has exploded in northern Kachin State, much of which is controlled by the Kachin Independence Organization (KIO), an ethnic armed group that opposes the junta. Late last year, the KIO seized two important rare earth mining towns from the military and demanded a greater role in taxing exports to China. Beijing initially closed the border in response. However, trade soon resumed after the two sides reached a deal on export taxes. Two different proposals have reportedly been put to Trump for ways to access Myanmar's rare earth deposits. One would entail opening talks with the junta; the other talking directly with the KIO. Part of this effort could entail Trump reducing the punitive 40 percent tariffs his administration imposed on Myanmar to sweeten the deal. Yet, challenges remain to making this a reality. The mines are located in the contested war-torn mountains of northern Myanmar bordering China, which are controlled by the KIO. There is no real infrastructure capable of transporting exports to India's remote northeastern states. The only other export route is south through territory controlled by the junta or other ethnic armed groups. In addition, any attempt by the United States and its allies to extract thousands of tons of rare earth material away from China's borders would likely anger Beijing. It could pressure the KIO by reducing fuel and food imports coming from China. The group's independence and ability to fight the junta relies on trade with China. It would not take long for such an agreement to fall apart. Finally, rare earths mining is extremely polluting and dangerous. Even under Trump, it is unlikely U.S. companies would gamble on the inevitable reputational and legal risks that would accompany such a project, especially in a war zone. In essence, any attempt by the Trump administration to secure rare earths from Myanmar through any intermediary will not go anywhere. There is therefore no justification, on any grounds, for the Trump administration to reduce sanctions on Myanmar's generals or their cronies. Likewise, although the junta is attempting to legitimize its brutal rule by offering a patina of constitutional processes, its elections will not bring real change to the country. Myanmar's people have repeatedly demonstrated over the past four decades, in every remotely free and fair election, that they do not want the military involved in the governance on their country. If the junta does go ahead with this election, the world's governments should call it out for the farcical charade of democracy it will represent. This includes the administration in Washington. This article was originally published on The Conversation. Read the original article.

How Trump's Tariffs Upended BYD's Mexico EV Gambit
How Trump's Tariffs Upended BYD's Mexico EV Gambit

The Diplomat

time7 minutes ago

  • The Diplomat

How Trump's Tariffs Upended BYD's Mexico EV Gambit

Intensifying China-U.S. trade tensions are reshaping EV supply chains across the Americas, redirecting Chinese investments toward more politically receptive markets like Brazil. In 2023, Chinese automaker BYD announced an ambitious project to build a 150,000-unit electric vehicle (EV) plant in Mexico, epitomizing the promise of nearshoring. Mexico's low labor costs, robust supply chains, and duty-free access to North America under the U.S.-Mexico-Canada Agreement (USMCA) made it a strategic gateway for Chinese manufacturers aiming at the booming U.S. EV market. Two years on, this vision has collapsed. In July 2025, BYD indefinitely shelved the project. Executive Vice President Stella Li cited 'geopolitical issues significantly impacting the automotive industry,' signaling the project's suspension amid rising China-U.S. tensions. The immediate catalyst was the tariffs put in place by U.S. President Donald Trump. In September 2024, Trump – then a former president and the Republican nominee for the 2024 presidential election – proposed a prohibitive 200 percent tariff on Chinese-brand vehicles assembled in Mexico. He explicitly said such a tariff would be designed to make Chinese cars built in Mexico uncompetitive in the U.S. market. Otherwise, the U.S. 'will not have any [automobile] manufacturing plants,' Trump warned. 'China is going to take over all of them because of the electric car.' Trump's proposed tariff dwarfed the existing 100 percent levy the Biden administration had just added to Chinese EVs at the time. While he hasn't implemented the change since re-entering the White House, Trump did implement an additional 25 percent tariff on all automotive imports, although close allies like Japan and South Korea won lower rates in trade negotiations. The tariff burden has effectively frozen BYD's $3 billion investment, disrupting negotiations with Mexican states such as Puebla and Jalisco, and creating uncertainty across the automotive sector. Before the latest iteration of Trump's trade war, Mexico offered clear advantages for Asian automakers, including BYD and other Chinese firms. Auto industry wages average about $4 per hour, significantly lower than comparable U.S. wages. Yet USMCA allowed tariff-free exports to the U.S. if 75 percent of vehicle content is sourced in North America. Mexico also benefits from extensive transport infrastructure, including dual-ocean ports and rail connections to major U.S. markets, significantly reducing transit times compared to direct shipments from Asia. For Chinese companies, Mexico also represented a hedge against increasing U.S. and European antidumping investigations. Companies such as BYD, SAIC MG, and Chery expanded dealership networks, while JAC Motors began local assembly operations as early as 2017. However, the growing bipartisan consensus in Washington now views Chinese EVs as strategic threats. Trump's tariffs effectively weaponized border access, forcing automakers to reconsider their production strategies. Even before Trump's escalation, Beijing had expressed reservations. China considers its companies' strength in the EV sector to be a key plank of its economic security plan. In March 2025, China's Ministry of Commerce reportedly delayed approval for BYD's Mexican venture due to security concerns about proximity to the U.S., potentially exposing sensitive battery and software technologies to IP theft. Instead, Chinese authorities are now encouraging investment in Belt and Road partner countries such as Brazil, Hungary, and Thailand. This aligns with Mexican President Claudia Sheinbaum's statement from November 2024, indicating that her administration had not received an official investment proposal from BYD. In other words, the factory never got past the theoretical stage – even before Trump was re-elected. Privately, Mexican officials recognize their dilemma: they can either attract billions in Chinese investment or maintain harmonious relations with their primary trading partner, especially with USMCA scheduled for review in 2026. The most immediate impact will be to diminish Mexico's prospect of becoming Latin America's primary EV hub. Tesla has also postponed its Nuevo León gigafactory, as Trump's administration moved to revoke consumer credits for EV purchases. Mazda, Nissan, and Stellantis have similarly placed investments on hold. Suppliers who ramped up for EV production, like Querétaro-based wiring harness maker Nexxus and lithium-ion cathode startup Trina in Sonora, now face uncertain futures. Conversely, Brazil stands to gain significantly. BYD has already begun constructing a $1 billion plant in Bahia for assembling passenger cars and electric trucks targeting South America. SAIC MG expanded its São Paulo factory, while GAC Motor is exploring Rio de Janeiro as an assembly location. Brazil's modest 4 percent tariff on electric-powertrain imports makes it increasingly attractive compared to the steep potential duties facing Mexico. Alberto de la Fuente, president of Mexico's National Auto Parts Industry, emphasized the economic impacts, noting that each additional tariff percentage erases roughly $150 in profit per compact EV, severely impacting competitiveness. This trend risks creating a divided Latin America, with Mexico retaining traditional combustion-engine manufacturing for North America, and Brazil emerging as the region's leading EV production base for Mercosur and African markets. 'It makes little sense for BYD to enter Mexico without tariff-free access to U.S. markets,' explained Gregor Sebastian, a senior analyst at Rhodium Group. 'Until trade uncertainties resolve, Chinese investments will likely favor Brazil and Southeast Asia.' The effects extend to the entire supply chain for electric vehicles and EV batteries. Sonora's lithium industry, which expected investments from major Chinese battery makers, may now default to raw exports to China, limiting regional value-added jobs. Initiatives such as Nuevo León's T-MEC rail line and Jalisco's dry port at Ocotlán, designed as EV export hubs, now face uncertain prospects. Mexican technical colleges that introduced EV-specific training programs risk oversupplying graduates in a shrinking local market. 'Once tariffs reach prohibitive levels, they transform corporate calculus,' noted Maaike Okano Heijmans from the Clingendael Institute, 'forcing companies to reconfigure global manufacturing footprints.' BYD's halted Mexican venture underscores the global trend of clean-tech supply chains fracturing along geopolitical fault lines. Asia-Pacific companies now navigate competing blocs. The United States and its allies are enforcing stringent industrial policies against Chinese components, while China-driven networks are being fostered by Belt and Road funding. The European Union and select middle powers are attempting neutrality while concerned about subsidized Chinese competition. Going forward, Mexico has a few options. It can choose to prioritize manufacturing batteries over EVS. Collaborations with battery manufacturers like CALB and LG Energy Solutions, supplying multiple automakers, are politically safer investments. Mexico can also seek to tap into U.S. International Development Finance Corporation grants designed to 'friend-shore' critical mineral projects, such as Mexico's lithium developments. The government could also seek to negotiate a solution that will allow it to build an EV manufacturing industry with an eye toward the future, when tariff policies might moderate. This might involve agreements to limit Chinese EV production exclusively for local markets, employing digital tracking to prevent re-export to the United States. It's not clear how attractive this would be to Chinese firms, however. For now, as long as Trump's tariffs persist, Chinese automakers will avoid Mexico, even while U.S. companies look to expand domestic production amid higher consumer costs. More broadly, the EV market will continue to fracture, with Chinese manufacturers dominating emerging markets while U.S., Japanese, and Korean brands solidify their positions in North America, and Europe remains contested. BYD's withdrawal underscores that geopolitical strategies now define industrial development as significantly as traditional factors like cost and logistics. Until tariff uncertainties subside, Mexico's role in global EV production remains vulnerable to political shifts, reaffirming that global business decisions increasingly hinge upon geopolitical landscapes rather than economics alone.

The Strategic Ripples of China's Mega-Dam for Bangladesh
The Strategic Ripples of China's Mega-Dam for Bangladesh

The Diplomat

timean hour ago

  • The Diplomat

The Strategic Ripples of China's Mega-Dam for Bangladesh

When Chinese Premier Li Qiang broke ground on the world's most ambitious dam – the Medog Hydropower Station on the Yarlung Tsangpo River in Tibet – global headlines fixated on its scale and scope. With a projected cost of $167 billion and an expected capacity triple that of the Three Gorges Dam, the project is a technological marvel. But it's also a geopolitical flashpoint. As the Yarlung Tsangpo becomes the Brahmaputra in India and the Jamuna in Bangladesh, control over its headwaters bestows tremendous leverage. The Medog dam is thus a bellwether for future negotiations on water-sharing – and a potential harbinger of regional water insecurity. For Bangladesh, far downstream yet acutely affected, the stakes are existential. The project raises serious questions regarding water security, riverine ecology, and diplomatic leverage – especially in the context of Bangladesh's long-stalled water-sharing deal with India over the Teesta River. As Dhaka cautiously monitors China's plans, the broader implications for regional water agreements, particularly Bangladesh-India negotiations, are beginning to crystallize. China maintains that the Medog project will be a 'run-of-the-river' project that neither diverts nor withdraws water, but Bangladesh remains cautious. In January 2025, during a bilateral meeting in Beijing, Dhaka voiced concern about the dam and formally requested detailed technical information. In response, Chinese officials and diplomats have reached out to assure Dhaka that its hydropower project is intended solely for electricity generation and will not affect the flow of water to downstream countries. Six months later, Bangladesh now appears to have accepted Beijing's verbal assurances and explanation, with Foreign Adviser Touhid Hossain stating that Bangladesh currently sees no 'reason for concern.' The rationale behind Bangladesh's shift in stance was reflected in Hossain's remarks: 'We cannot stop it… We have to see that we are not harmed.' The realist tone of this statement reflects Bangladesh's limited leverage in this geopolitical equation. Nevertheless, Dhaka insists on transparency and access to hydrological data as a baseline requirement for trust-building. The situation is further complicated by India's position. Since the river flows through Indian territory before reaching Bangladesh, India is also closely monitoring China's activities. Hossain confirmed that India has 'interests here' and is 'looking into the matter.' This triangulation of interests brings to light the fragile web of interdependencies in the region's river systems and complicates existing bilateral dynamics. The concern lies not just in what is being built but how. Water, traditionally a source of life, increasingly resembles a strategic tool – even a 'weapon' – in South Asia. Arunachal Pradesh Chief Minister Pema Khandu likened the Medog dam to a 'water bomb' that poses an existential threat to tribal populations and riverine ecosystems. A 2020 report by the Lowy Institute even argued that China's control over Tibetan rivers gives it a 'chokehold on India's economy.' In 2024, Chinese authorities arrested hundreds of Tibetans protesting hydropower development, reinforcing concerns over top-down, opaque decision-making. In Bangladesh, Malik Fida Khan, the executive director of the Center for Environmental and Geographic Information Services, warned that 70 percent of the dry-season flow in the Ganges-Brahmaputra-Meghna river basin comes via the Brahmaputra. If upstream interventions destabilize this flow, Bangladesh's already climate-stressed water security could collapse. Sharif Jamil of Riverkeeper Bangladesh called China's plan for the Medog project 'unilateral and geographically sensitive,' emphasizing that without transparent consultation, Bangladesh risks compounded ecological, hydrological, and socio-economic shocks. The project has added urgency and a new layer of complexity to the India-Bangladesh Teesta River water-sharing negotiations. For over a decade, Dhaka has awaited New Delhi's approval of a long-pending agreement to ensure equitable distribution of Teesta waters. However, domestic political opposition in India – particularly from the state of West Bengal – has delayed the deal. Now, with China entering the regional hydrological calculus, Bangladesh might find both risks and opportunities. On one hand, the growing strategic importance of transboundary rivers may compel India to be more forthcoming in its negotiations with Bangladesh, lest Dhaka turn increasingly toward Beijing for cooperation on water issues. On the other hand, India's own security and ecological concerns vis-à-vis China may lead it to further entrench its positions on all water-sharing matters, including the Teesta River. From a broader perspective, the situation presents an opportunity for Dhaka to push for a more institutionalized, basin-wide approach to water governance involving all five riparian states: China, India, Nepal, Bhutan, and Bangladesh. Experts like Sharif Jamil argued that Bangladesh should ratify the 1997 U.N. Watercourses Convention and spearhead a joint framework to manage the Ganges-Brahmaputra-Meghna basin as a whole. This multilateral vision offers two-fold benefits: it would build a norms-based framework for regional water governance and shield Bangladesh from being caught in a Sino-Indian tug-of-war. In an era where rivers are becoming instruments of diplomacy and conflict alike, Dhaka must flow with the current but steer its own course. Bangladesh faces considerable obstacles in navigating this complex hydro-political landscape. Its draft Teesta agreement with India, proposed in 2011, still faces resistance from the West Bengal government, highlighting the challenge of balancing federal-state interests even within bilateral frameworks. China's increasing footprint in the Teesta Master Plan also positions Bangladesh delicately between two powerful neighbors. This necessitates technical foresight and diplomatic agility to prevent backlash from New Delhi while ensuring cooperation from Beijing.

DOWNLOAD THE APP

Get Started Now: Download the App

Ready to dive into a world of global content with local flavor? Download Daily8 app today from your preferred app store and start exploring.
app-storeplay-store