
Zohran Mamdani, 33, billed as ‘America's Sharma ji ka beta' by internet after defeating Andrew Cuomo
Indian-American Zohran Mamdani, a 33-year-old lawmaker often described as an 'upstart' in front of rival Andrew Cuomo, has won the Democratic primary in the race to become mayor of New York City. Andrew Cuomo, who had both money and legacy on his side – he is a member of the politically powerful Cuomo family – conceded to Mamdani after the Queens lawmaker racked up commanding leads across Brooklyn, Queens and Manhattan. Democratic mayoral candidate Zohran Mamdani takes the stage at his primary election party, Wednesday, June 25, 2025, in New York. AP/PTI(AP06_25_2025_000028A)(AP)
If Zohran Mamdani is elected, he will become the first Muslim and the first South Asian mayor of New York City – no mean feat for someone who is just 33. While his Democratic primary win has led to celebrations among supporters, it has also spelled a headache for Indian kids everywhere who fear they will now have to live up to the high standards set by Mamdani.
One viral post, which lays bare this anxiety in a hilarious way, reads: 'If Zohran Mamdani becomes NYC mayor at the age of 33 it will be a death blow to millions of young south Asian men in this country.
'Every desi parent is gonna be like, 'Zohran was Mayor of New York City at 33! You haven't even bought a house yet! Why can't you be more like him?!?' Ohhhh dark days ahead for south Asian men. Smh.' America's very own 'Sharma ji ka beta'
The comments under the viral post were equally hilarious.
One person declared Mamdani as America's very own 'Sharma ji ka beta'.
Another X user wrote: 'Zohran just became every desi mom's favorite son overnight the pressure just reached historic levels across the country'.
'LOL. Well hopefully it'll also encourage our families to not be disappointed when their immigrant kids don't always pursue STEM fields,' a user added. More about Mamdani
Zohran Mamdani is a New York State Assembly member (36th District, Queens) and a Democratic Socialist known for championing rent freezes, free buses, public childcare, city‑run grocery stores, and robust housing and transit reforms.
He is the son of Indian‑born filmmaker Mira Nair and Indian‑Ugandan academic Mahmood Mamdani.
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Time of India
36 minutes ago
- Time of India
Why are so many Turks applying for German citizenship?
AP image Germany has become increasingly attractive for Turks whether for life, work or study. Immigration statistics show that a total of 22,525 Turkish citizens received German passports in 2024, a 110 per cent increase over 2023. Turkey is now second only to Syria when it comes to the number of its citizens receiving German passports. Alaz Sumer is one of those who decided to apply. He came to Germany about eight years ago to pursue his master's degree. Now a lawyer, he works for a Berlin-based NGO and is completing his doctorate in constitutional law. He told DW that citizenship is the goal of every immigrant saying it is much more practical . "Otherwise you are always stuck dealing with bureaucracy, and it is heavy here. Just getting a residency permit can be torturous." Burak Keceli, an IT specialist who graduated from Istanbul's respected Bogazici University, came to Germany in 2016. He said he came for career reasons and has spent several years working in the private sector. Today, he continues to live in Berlin. "I've lived in Germany for years and speak the language fluently," he said. "After all that time, I wanted to be able to have my say politically. by Taboola by Taboola Sponsored Links Sponsored Links Promoted Links Promoted Links You May Like Free P2,000 GCash eGift UnionBank Credit Card Apply Now Undo The power of a German passport was also an important factor … with it, I can travel to many countries around the world without a visa. According to the 2025 global passport index, which ranks passports by the number of countries a holder thereof can travel to visa-free, Germany ranked fifth in the world, behind the United Arab Emirates, Spain, Singapore and France. A German passport provides visa-free entry into 131 countries, whereas a Turkish passport only allows 75. Dual German-Turkish citizenship a big incentive Germany's June 2024 citizenship reforms no doubt gave the trend a major boost, with dual citizenship becoming a major incentive for migrants to seek a second passport. Sumer, for instance, said he had no desire to relinquish his Turkish citizenship. " I didn't want to give up my right to vote," he said. A Turkish passport, he added, also has advantages in countries with which Turkey has better relations than Germany. Burak Keceli is also a dual citizen. He calls the possibility of having two passports "very positive," but said he would have sought German citizenship either way. Germany's previous government also shortened the residency requirement for citizenship from eight down to five years, and down to three for those who could show special integration potential. The new government under chancellor Friedrich Merz did away with the three year rile in May. Still, the new government has let the dual-citizenship model stand, meaning migrants can keep their original passports. That's very important to many of those who have come to Germany from elsewhere. Until recently, Germany required all migrants, with the exception of Swiss and EU-member state passport holders, to renounce prior citizenship before granting them German passports. That forced many to hold off seeking German citizenship over the emotional, familial and business ties they maintained with their country of origin. That goes for an estimated 3 million Turks living in Germany. Political repression and skyrocketing inflation in Turkey The political, social and economic situation in Turkey has also been a major driver for immigration. "I wanted to be an academic," said Sumer, "but I didn't have the impression that it was really possible to do so freely in Turkey. When the situation deteriorated, I left." As for Keceli, he said would wouldn't have been able to have a "nice life" in Turkey. "If I had chosen to go to another country [other than Germany] I probably would have applied for citizenship there." The political climate in Turkey has been worsening for years. Human rights organizations regularly report freedom of speech and press violations by the government. In March, the government of President Recap Tayyip Erdogan had his most capable election challenger, Istanbul Mayor Ekrem Imamoglu arrested, a drastic measure even by Erdogan's standards. Moreover, the country has languished economically for years: In 2015, a euro cost about 2.3 Turkish lira, now it's nearly 46 ($1 is currently worth around 40 Turkish lira, 10 years ago it was around it cost around 2.7 Turkish lira). Turkey will always be 'home' Despite integration and years of life spent in Germany, many Turks still feel rooted in their old culture and continue to call Turkey home. "Germany never became home for me. I wouldn't describe myself as a German. But even if I did, Germans would laugh at me — and rightly so," said Sumer. Keceli sees things similarly. "All of my loved ones are in Turkey. I never lost the connection. I will continue to travel back and forth. And even if I don't always keep up on the latest news, I still listen to Turkish music. I will always call Turkey home. I don't really feel at home in Germany." Not German enough? Sumer said he "mostly enjoys" life in Germany, but admits he doesn't feel like he really belongs. "I don't think that you're immediately accepted when you get a German passport, that certainly wasn't the case for me." He then described experiences that mirror those of other migrants: "I feel closer to Turkey than I do to Germany. It's clear to me that I am only German on paper. Even if you assimilate and live by German standards, you're still always an immigrant." Sumer recounted moments of everyday discrimination. When he tried to find an apartment after receiving his citizenship, he said, he didn't get any replies whatsoever to his online queries using his real name. That changed when he used a fake name. "If you don't have a German name, a German passport won't do you much good either," he said.
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First Post
37 minutes ago
- First Post
Despite bombs, backlash: Why Iran's nuclear programme matters to it
A preliminary US intelligence report indicates Iran's nuclear programme could resume within one to two months despite weekend strikes on sites like Fordow and Natanz. Trump insists the facilities were 'obliterated', but analysts say satellite imagery cannot fully reveal underground damage. Iran's pursuit of uranium enrichment dates to 1957 and reflects its enduring quest for independence read more Members of the Iranian Parliament participate in a vote of trust for the cabinet of President Masoud Pezeshkian at the parliament in Tehran, Iran, August 21, 2024. File Image/WANA via Reuters Targeted airstrikes by the United States and Israel over the weekend aimed to neutralise Iran's uranium enrichment capabilities. While senior US officials and US President Donald Trump have declared the operation a strategic success, conflicting assessments from the American intelligence community and historical context suggest a far more nuanced picture. Did the US strikes achieve their objective? According to sources familiar with a preliminary US intelligence assessment, the American strikes on key nuclear sites in Iran — including Fordow, Natanz and Isfahan — have caused damage that might delay the programme by only a few months. Three individuals with access to the classified findings indicated to Reuters that the Defence Intelligence Agency (DIA), which produced the initial report, assessed that Iran could resume uranium enrichment activities within as little as one to two months. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD These estimates stand in stark contrast to statements from the Trump administration. While addressing reporters at the NATO summit in The Hague, Trump acknowledged the ambiguity in the intelligence — 'The intelligence was … very inconclusive' — but asserted, 'I think we can take the 'we don't know.' It was very severe. It was obliteration.' He went further to claim, 'Iran's nuclear deal had been set back basically decades, because I don't think they'll ever do it again.' This position was echoed by White House spokesperson Karoline Leavitt, who responded to reports about the assessment by stating: 'Everyone knows what happens when you drop fourteen 30,000-pound bombs perfectly on their targets: total obliteration.' Despite these pronouncements, officials involved in the intelligence review have pointed out that the report includes several uncertainties, conditions and is expected to evolve as more data becomes available. A US official, speaking anonymously to Reuters, confirmed that even now, Washington does not fully grasp the scale of the impact on Iran's nuclear infrastructure. Evaluating the destruction of highly fortified sites like Fordow, located deep underground, remains technically difficult, especially if assessments rely on satellite imagery. A satellite image shows the Fordow nuclear facility in Iran, January 24, 2025. Maxar Technologies via Reuters The DIA is also not the only agency responsible for the damage assessment. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD What if Iran had a bomb? Debates about Iran's nuclear capabilities inevitably raise the question: what happens if Tehran crosses the threshold and becomes a nuclear-armed state? Analysts hold divergent views — ranging from alarm over regional instability to cautious recognition of nuclear deterrence dynamics. While fears of Iran sharing nuclear material with non-state actors or extremist groups exist, history offers limited precedent for such scenarios. According to the Arms Control Association, only one known case — the Soviet Union's transfer of uranium-235 to China in the 1950s — ever involved a state transferring bomb-grade material to another actor. More relevant is how a nuclear Iran would reshape its security calculus in West Asia. Nuclear weapons, particularly for a country like Iran, are seen less as tools of aggression and more as strategic deterrents. These weapons could serve multiple deterrence objectives: dissuading conventional military aggression from regional non-nuclear states, forestalling nuclear threats from powers like Israel, India or Pakistan, and deterring interventions by external powers such as the United States or Russia. Analysts often reference the doctrine of 'proportional deterrence,' a concept initially crafted in Cold War-era France. It proposes that a relatively less capable nuclear state can still effectively deter stronger nuclear adversaries by threatening to destroy high-value targets, even while absorbing significant damage itself. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD This form of second-strike capability ensures that any country contemplating an attack must reckon with irreversible consequences. This logic, however, cuts both ways. Iran itself remains vulnerable to deterrence by Israel's nuclear arsenal, and even its missile advancements may not necessarily indicate nuclear ambitions. Some experts argue that Iran's precision missile development could be aimed at bolstering conventional deterrence — targeting strategic sites in Israel or elsewhere without resorting to nuclear arms. While a nuclear-armed Iran would not automatically destabilise the region, the psychological and political implications would be profound. The sheer perception of a shift in power dynamics could alter regional alignments, defence planning and diplomatic engagements. Most crucially, however, it is unlikely that regional or global powers will allow Iran to acquire such a capability uncontested. How did Iran's nuclear programme come about? Iran's nuclear journey began not in defiance, but under American sponsorship. In 1957, the US and Iran launched a civil nuclear partnership as part of the 'Atoms for Peace' initiative. By the 1970s, under the pro-Western Shah, Iran was planning an ambitious programme that included building 23 nuclear reactors. Washington, including then-US Secretary of State Henry Kissinger, raised no objection. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Iran's nuclear development was envisioned as a symbol of modernity and a tool for regional leadership, with plans to export electricity to neighbouring states. But the Iranian Revolution of 1979 transformed the landscape entirely. The ousting of the Shah and the rise of the Islamic Republic introduced a new political order driven by anti-imperialist rhetoric and religious ideology. Western fears of weaponisation of Iran's nuclear capabilities began almost immediately. Iran's insistence on the right to enrich uranium has been a flashpoint in every round of nuclear negotiations since. To many in Washington, this insistence is incomprehensible if Iran's aims are purely peaceful. As US Vice President JD Vance remarked: 'It's one thing to want civilian nuclear energy. It's another thing to demand sophisticated enrichment capacity. And it's still another to cling to enrichment while simultaneously violating basic non-proliferation obligations and enriching right to the point of weapons-grade uranium.' Iran, however, has consistently maintained that its nuclear programme is for peaceful purposes. It remains a signatory of the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT), under which it has pledged not to develop a nuclear weapon. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei has issued multiple fatwas condemning nuclear arms as 'un-Islamic.' So why is Iran's nuclear programme so important to it? The roots of Iran's nuclear intransigence run deep — far deeper than its centrifuges. One of the revolution's founding principles, as handwritten by Ayatollah Khomeini in a 1979 declaration, was 'independence.' This idea, grounded in a long history of colonial subjugation, remains central to the Islamic Republic's identity. Iran's experience of foreign domination stretches back centuries: squeezed between Russian and British imperialism in the 19th century, subjected to the exploitation of oil resources by British corporations in the 20th, and politically undermined by direct foreign interventions. In 1953, the US and UK orchestrated a coup to remove then-Prime Minister Mohammad Mosaddegh after he sought national control over Iran's oil. This episode is widely regarded as a defining national trauma. Author and analyst Vali Nasr, in his work Iran's Grand Strategy, traces Iran's emphasis on nuclear self-sufficiency back to this legacy of external coercion. He argues that the drive for civil nuclear power and the right to enrich uranium is not just about energy — it is about reclaiming sovereignty. 'Before the revolution itself, before the hostage crisis or US sanctions, before the Iran-Iraq war or efforts to export the revolution… the future supreme religious guide and leader of Iran valued independence from foreign influence as equal to the enshrining principles of Islam in the state,' Nasr notes. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Khamenei himself once explained the significance of the revolution by stating, 'now all decisions are made in Tehran.' This desire for autonomy — manifested in Iran's refusal to rely on imported enriched uranium from countries like Russia — has consistently obstructed nuclear agreements. Yet, from Iran's perspective, conceding on enrichment would be tantamount to surrendering the very ideals upon which the Islamic Republic was built. Also Watch: With inputs from agencies

Mint
37 minutes ago
- Mint
Pakistan PM Shehbaz Sharif ready to hold ‘meaningful dialogue' with India on ‘all outstanding issues'
Pakistan Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif has said that Islamabad is ready to participate in a 'meaningful dialogue' with India to address all outstanding issue, news agency PTI said on Wednesday. The Pakistan PM's comments comes nearly two months after India launched Operation Sindoor to destroy Pakistani terror bases in the neighbouring country, in response to the April 22 Pahalgam terror attack that killed 26. During a conversation with the Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman on Tuesday over Telephone, Sharif expressed his desire to hold a dialogue with India over issues that crept up in the aftermath of the terror attack, as per the PTI report. Since April 22, tensions between the two neighbours have escalated. While India has agreed to pause military attacks on Pakistan, diplomatic restrictions still hold between the two countries, with New Delhi keeping the crucial Indus Waters Treaty in abeyance among other restrictions. 'Pakistan is ready to engage in a meaningful dialogue with India on all outstanding issues, including Jammu and Kashmir, water, trade and terrorism,' Shehbaz Sharif said during the conversation, according to the PTI report quoting Radio Pakistan. Earlier in May Sharif had, while in Iran and in Azerbaijan, expressed his willingness to engage in peace talks with India in order to resolve all outstanding issues, including Kashmir, terrorism, water and trade. However, India has repeatedly rejected Pakistan's advances to hold dialogue with it, saying that the only topics India is interested in are the the return of Pakistan-occupied Kashmir and the issue of terrorism. Prime Minister Narendra Modi has also sent a clear message to Pakistan – India will not hold any peace talk with Pakistan, unless it involves solving the problem of terrorism. External Affairs Ministry Spokesperson Randhir Jaiswal also said that the Indus Water Treaty will remain in abeyance till the time Pakistan credibly and irrevocably abjures its support to cross-border terrorism 'just like Prime Minister Narendra Modi said: 'terror and talks cannot go together, terror and trade cannot go together, and water and blood cannot flow together'.' India has also stopped all forms of trade with Pakistan in the aftermath of the Pahalgam terror attack, and closed its airspace for all Pakistani aircraft. Following Operation Sindoor, Pakistan launched military attacks on India, forcing New Delhi to launch more retaliatory attacks on the neighbour. Four days of intense armed exchange followed, after which India and Pakistan agreed to stop the military actions on May 10.