
First Post Office inquiry report stops short of attributing blame
The chairman of the probe Sir Wyn Williams said the human impact of the Horizon saga 'should be placed at the forefront' of his final report and it was important to publish his conclusions on that issue as soon as possible.
Sir Wyn elected to make his findings on the compensation processes and the devastating impact the scandal had on subpostmasters on Tuesday.
His conclusions on who was at fault for overseeing the scandal are expected in the coming months.
That report is expected to scrutinise the role of Post Office bosses who oversaw the scandal, including former priest Paula Vennells.
Ms Vennells previously told the inquiry she was 'too trusting' and had 'no sense there was any conspiracy at all', but also admitted she made 'mistakes'.
The first tranche did tease what his overarching conclusions would include, saying Post Office bosses should have known Horizon was faulty but 'maintained the fiction that its data was always accurate'.
In the introduction of his report, Sir Wyn said: 'I have formed the view… that the impact upon those affected, the 'human impact', should be placed at the forefront of my report to the minister.
'That is why I have decided to publish this volume of my report as soon as it was completed rather than wait for the whole of my report to be ready for publication.
'It also seemed to me to be natural to combine my description of the suffering endured by so many with my assessments of, and conclusions about, the attempts by the Post Office, the minister and the Department to provide redress to those affected which is 'full, fair and prompt'.'
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The Herald Scotland
39 minutes ago
- The Herald Scotland
Review, Frankly: Sturgeon psychodrama suddenly makes sense
Macmillan, £28 THERE is a classic episode of Whatever Happened to the Likely Lads? in which Bob and Terry are desperate to avoid the England score. Welcome to the world of the Frankly reviewer. The past week has been spent trying to shut out what people are saying about the memoirs of Scotland's first woman First Minister. Wait till the book arrives, said the better angel on my shoulder. Give it the considered judgment readers deserve as they ponder shelling out £28 (now half that on Amazon). So I did. And the conclusion? Just as the England match turned out to be called off, meaning Bob and Terry missed nothing, so it is with Frankly - up to a point. Something becomes blindingly clear in these 464 pages, and the former FM is going to hate it being pointed out. Sturgeon opens with an account of her Ayrshire childhood that is almost comically dull. 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There might have been a touch of unconscious sexism in the gesture, but it still meant a lot to me.' Who thinks like that? There is, of course, no doubt who really gets her goat. So much has been written about the political partnership with Alex Salmond, but a lot of it fails to get to the heart of the matter. This memoir does, albeit unintentionally. What leaps from the pages is the howling dysfunctionality of the relationship. The Salmond-Sturgeon psychodrama made Blair and Brown look like Terry and June. There was one fundamental difference between the Labour rivals and the SNP pair, however. Reader, I do believe she cared for Salmond far more than she realised, particularly at the start, and this influenced her later behaviour. There is no suggestion that the relationship was anything other than platonic. What happened subsequently was no ordinary falling out between politicians. This was intensely personal. Complicated. At least it was on her part. How else to explain writing which reads at times like a bad Mills and Boon parody? He fixes her with a stare and 'works his political magic'. They go on the campaign trail together, singing along in the car to Dolly Parton. He takes a helicopter back to HQ after an election victory: 'Alex disembarked and strode purposefully to the lectern. It was like a scene from The West Wing.' They part on the eve of the independence referendum: 'We hugged and wished each other luck. We knew that by the time we were next together, for better or worse, the world would have changed.' Revealing choice of words there, 'for better or worse', because as the years pass, their relationship begins to sound like a marriage, one that she was rapidly outgrowing. Her 'IRL' (in real life) husband, Peter Murrell, barely figures in the book, save for when she is brushing off Salmond's advice not to have hubby as the party's chief executive. Remind us how that one worked out? With critics, her instinct is to lash out. She chooses her battles carefully, however. I doubt her claim that Salmond leaked details of the allegations against him to the Daily Record would have made it past a lawyer had the former FM been alive. For a political memoir, Frankly is remarkably light on policy. The most glaring example of this is the three paragraphs she spends on Scotland's drugs deaths, compared to the six pages lavished on The Queen. Look under F in the index and you will find naff all on ferries. Covid ends up a blizzard of questions but no answers. Education gets a glance. On the double rapist Isla Bryson, Sturgeon asks if she could have handled things differently, before concluding it would not have changed anything. Remember, it's never Nicola's fault. If you are looking for an insightful analysis of the Sturgeon years you won't find it here. She, at least, ends the memoir on a high, telling us: 'I've learned to dance in the rain.' Deep as a puddle to the end. Alison Rowat is a features writer and columnist at The Herald


The Independent
6 hours ago
- The Independent
Rachel Reeves to take aim at environmental protections in bid to speed up infrastructure projects, say reports
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Times
7 hours ago
- Times
Rachel Reeves to cut ‘bats and newts' in boost to developers
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No decisions have been made, but work is underway and Treasury sources acknowledged there was a growing belief that the government needed to go further, as Reeves says she wants to make boosting Britain's sluggish productivity the centrepiece of her autumn budget. She argued this week that building more infrastructure such as roads and railways were crucial to this aim. A Planning and Infrastructure Bill currently going through parliament attempts to encourage development through a 'nature restoration fund' through which developers will be allowed to press ahead with projects by setting up schemes elsewhere to offset their environmental impact. • The grid is struggling — and our green future hangs in the balance But the plan has been criticised by environmental groups while also attracting scepticism from some developers, who fear it will not work in practice and do little to speed up building. Lord Hunt of Kings Heath, who stood down as energy minister in May, is urging his former colleagues to go further to achieve Labour's promise of 150 major infrastructure projects. 'While I think the planning bill will work for housing, I don't think it is sufficiently focused on the major infrastructure projects, so it is encouraging that the Treasury is going to have another look at whether we've really got this right,' he said. 'The government has to face up to the tensions in the Habitat Regulations which are making it hard to build essential infrastructure and the reality is that at some point someone needs to make a hard decision and say 'on some things, you just have to press ahead'.' The rules, which incorporate the EU Habitats Directive into British law, ban killing of hundreds of species, including types of bats, news, voles, snails, spiders, insects and woodlice. Developers must prove there is no risk to protected sites and species before being allowed to go ahead with projects, under rules which critics say impose an 'impossibly high standard' on vital projects. Reeves is increasingly sympathetic to such criticism, after repeatedly hitting out at 'ridiculous' environmental protections. She said last month that she cared 'more about the young family getting on the housing ladder than I do about protecting some snails', after a speech in January in which she said developers should be able to 'focus on getting things built, and stop worrying about bats and newts'. Sir Keir Starmer has also expressed frustration with the ability of campaigners to delay projects through legal challenges, and is already introducing rules which limit judicial review to override the 'whims of nimbys'. Campaign groups and residents, who currently have three opportunities to apply for judicial review, which will be reduced to two, or one in cases deemed by a judge 'totally without merit'. Reeves is now considering allowing only one opportunity to bring any challenge. Some Labour MPs and peers want her to go further by using dedicated acts of parliament to prevent any legal challenge to specific named projects. The plans are at an early stage and are likely to cause tension with ministers in other departments who have pledged to protect the environment. Paul Miner, of the countryside charity CPRE, said targeting habitats regulations would 'take us backwards rather than forwards on nature recovery', adding: 'We urge the government to drop the worn-out 'builders versus blockers' narrative which wrongly frames climate and nature as being in conflict with economic growth.' Becky Pullinger, of the Wildlife Trusts, said maintaining environmental standards was 'essential if we are to achieve targets to protect and restore the natural world which is suffering huge declines, saying Reeves should abandon 'the myth that deregulation will lead to economic growth'. But Robbie Owen, head of infrastructure planning at Pinsent Masons, said: 'Ministers are finally realising that their rhetoric about reform doesn't match up up the reality of their bill. We have been saying to ministers and officials all year that the bill needs to go further and it seems that message has finally been heard.'