
SNP selection candidate wins appeal after 'stitch up'
Speaking to The National on Monday, Giugliano (below) said: 'I'm delighted that the SNP's Conduct Appeals Committee unanimously upheld my appeal and dismissed the complaint that led to my removal from the Falkirk West selection ballot, days before the poll closed.
(Image: Toni Giugliano)
'I should never have been suspended and removed from the ballot. The committee's report is clear that I was denied a fair hearing. Indeed, I should have been cleared.'
He claimed the result was a 'full vindication for the members who voted for me and stood by me', adding: 'I will now consult both with my supporters in Falkirk and the party, about what comes next.
'But make no mistake – our membership is the foundation of the SNP and they must never again be sidelined and disenfranchised. I'm pleased that due process has finally prevailed.'
READ MORE: Tony Blair's staff took part in 'Gaza Riviera' project, reports say
A complaint of bullying was made against Giugliano just days before the local party voted to choose its candidate for next year's election.
He was running against three others and councillor Gary Bouse emerged victorious.
But the complaint was dismissed by Giugliano's supporters as a conspiracy to block him from running, with one member telling The Herald in May: 'Toni has been stitched up and the voices of local members totally disregarded.'
(Image: Supplied)
A statement to SNP national secretary Alex Kerr (above, right) from the Falkirk South branch said: 'The SNP is founded on the principles of democracy and the active participation of its members.
'We are therefore dismayed that Toni Giugliano – a vetted candidate – was removed from the ballot just days before the declaration of results, in a decision that is entirely politically motivated and lacking in transparency."
The SNP were approached for comment.

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


Scotsman
14 minutes ago
- Scotsman
Why betting it all on offshore wind is a high-risk strategy for Scotland
Sign up to our daily newsletter – Regular news stories and round-ups from around Scotland direct to your inbox Sign up Thank you for signing up! Did you know with a Digital Subscription to The Scotsman, you can get unlimited access to the website including our premium content, as well as benefiting from fewer ads, loyalty rewards and much more. Learn More Sorry, there seem to be some issues. Please try again later. Submitting... Zonal pricing, on which a remarkable number of instant experts have emerged over the past 48 hours, was always illusory as a route to cheaper electricity for Scotland or anywhere else. Harken, however, to Dave Doogan MP who is apparently the SNP's spokesman on the economy at Westminster, who tweeted: '[Energy Secretary] Ed Miliband has ruled out zonal pricing in the UK… Labour will never stand up for the people of Scotland. We need independence.' To emphasise his point, Mr Doogan accompanied his tweet with a crude montage of Mr Miliband wearing a Union Jack pith helmet. At least nobody can accuse Dave of subtlety – only of abysmal ignorance, not least about his own party's position on the subject. Advertisement Hide Ad Advertisement Hide Ad Like many others, myself included, SNP ministers went through a learning curve on zonal pricing. It took them a bit longer due to the obvious attraction of any claim that Scotland is being done down. The fact opposition has been led by Scottish interests was a problem for that approach, though nobody seems to have told Dave. The lesson from the debate over zonal electricity pricing may be that building more wind turbines far away from population centres is not a good idea (Picture: William Edwards) | AFP via Getty Images SNP confusion about zonal pricing The case made by SSE, Scottish Power, Scottish Renewables, trade unions and many others was not all that complicated. If generators of power in Scotland were obliged to sell for a lower wholesale price because of location, they were less likely to attract the large-scale investment required to build offshore windfarms in the first place. Or, as Kate Forbes MSP – she's your deputy leader, Dave – put it: 'Zonal pricing is going to be hugely challenging as we could end up in the position where we don't get industrial opportunities and consumers don't get lower bills.' Asked directly if he still supported zonal pricing, John Swinney – being a bit more sleekit – refused to say yea or nay. But the Scottish Government's silence yesterday was deafening. Advertisement Hide Ad Advertisement Hide Ad While zonal pricing made headlines, there might have been greater significance elsewhere in Mr Miliband's statement on energy. The commitment to an overall review of wholesale pricing takes us to a starting point which should have been reached years ago. A coherent approach would have involved co-operation between Scottish and UK Governments, as well as the regulator Ofgem. None of that happened. The result is that we now have, particularly in Scotland, a catalogue of uncertainties, on which vast sums of money and dubious political assumptions depend. Zonal pricing would have added an additional uncertainty but taking it off the table does not mean the others have gone away. The need for reappraisal is urgent even if conclusions might be unpalatable. Importance of UK market I am a long-term supporter of renewable energy and when in government did my fair share to promote it. The Renewables Obligation was probably the most successful mechanism of its kind anywhere. Scotland was able to contribute disproportionately because of our onshore wind resource. But I also always argued for a balanced energy policy which is the crucial ingredient missing from current debate. Advertisement Hide Ad Advertisement Hide Ad The blithe assumption that Scottish interests are best served by unlimited reliance on offshore wind needs to be challenged and scrutinised before further commitments are made. Mr Doogan and his ilk would do well to remember that Scottish renewables generation is based on the premise that there is an eager and willing market in the rest of Britain. That market has to be competed for, rather than taken for granted as one crucial sentence about the forthcoming review made clear: 'Reformed national pricing will send a clearer upfront signal ahead of the point of investment decision about the relative system value of investing in different locations, which can be accurately priced into those investment decisions.' Roughly translated, this points towards generating power closer to areas of highest demand. Or, as Professor Dieter Helm – a genuine expert – put it: 'Perhaps the real lesson from the zonal pricing debate is that some of the wind generation should not have been built in the north of Scotland in the first place, and perhaps not more should be built there now.' Advertisement Hide Ad Advertisement Hide Ad That possibility cannot be dismissed lightly. Until there is a far clearer picture about the future pattern of generation, to serve the interests of net zero and lower bills, how much sense does it make to behave as if no such uncertainty exists? Turning Scottish backs on nuclear? Offshore wind developments on the scale envisaged only make sense if there is access to markets. Otherwise, we end up with billions in 'constraint payments' to generators who can't generate. Pump-storage hydro can mitigate that problem (and please let's get on with it) but only in part. Rationally, how much does the market actually need? Large-scale offshore wind is just as feasible around other parts of the UK which are far closer to population centres. As I write (albeit on a sunny day), solar is providing a third of Britain's electricity, which would not have been foreseen even a few years ago. A quarter of our power is coming in via interconnectors while wind accounts for just 2.3 per cent. My instincts tell me that much of the ScotWind programme may never be built because lower cost alternatives will emerge. We need to speed up these projects and also ensure recognition of their particular importance to peripheral areas where this is a one-off economic opportunity. Ofgem won't do that so politicians must. Advertisement Hide Ad Advertisement Hide Ad We must think again about whether it makes sense to run down gas or turn our Scottish backs on nuclear (in each case, the answer is 'no'). We still need a balanced energy policy in which Scottish renewables play a significant part.


The Herald Scotland
2 hours ago
- The Herald Scotland
Scottish Greens at the crossroads – principle or pragmatism?
Fergus Ewing, the former SNP Minister, previously dismissed them as 'wine-bar revolutionaries'. To each and every taunt, Green politicians tend to respond with a gentle, faintly supercilious smile. Read More: In truth, the most fervent advocates of Greenery can occasionally seem a mite smug. Like religious adherents, they can sometimes give the impression that their path is the way to truth, while others are self-deluded. Only very occasionally, mind. And they mean well. They genuinely believe, as they set out in their 2024 election manifesto, that 'we are hurtling towards climate hell.' Such a conclusion tends to lessen the scope for nuanced politics. But, alongside that, there is also an intriguing conundrum confronting the Scottish Greens right now as they elect their next leaders and contemplate the pending Holyrood elections. Are they content to be, principally, a party of voluble protest? Or is there pragmatism too – an opportunity to cut deals with other parties, such as the SNP or Labour, in pursuit of interim Green objectives? As The Herald has ably chronicled, there are those in the party who argue that the Greens must present a fully radical agenda, who distrust Holyrood compromise, including the Bute House pact previously struck by the retiring leadership. Equally, though, there are prominent Greens who lampoon such talk as 'heroic Bolshevik insurgency' – which achieves precisely nothing for the people of Scotland. Politics is frequently a question of balancing principle, pragmatism and power. Just ask those Labour MPs who found it impossible to back their leader's demands for welfare cuts. Again, commonly, that balance becomes trickier as a party gains more salience. It is relatively easy to be pure of thought when what you say and do is immaterial. That tends to change when there is the prospect that your contribution could alter Parliamentary arithmetic, could advance or thwart legislation, could sustain or oust a government. Then you have to choose. To compromise. You have to acknowledge that you cannot implement every line of your manifesto. Not least because the people did not vote for you in sufficient numbers. Be clear. The Greens will not abandon principle. They will still, on occasion, sport that knowing smile. But perhaps they may once more seek a mandate to enter negotiations with others. Is that feasible? Are the Greens not burned by Humza Yousaf's abrupt decision as First Minister to end the Bute House pact and kick them out of government? Seems not. One senior source dismissed the notion that they were 'nursing some raw fury at the SNP.' I was told that there is a good 'transactional' relationship with Team Swinney, as evidenced by the negotiations over the Scottish Government budget. The Greens know that John Swinney does not share their overall outlook. For example, he believes firmly in pursuing GDP economic growth while they do not, insisting that was excluded from the Bute House deal. First Minister John Swinney (Image: PA) And, yes, perhaps the relationship with Nicola Sturgeon was deeper. She is arguably closer to the Green perspective. After all, in a lecture, she previously set out the concept of assessing 'well-being', rather than simply economic wealth. But it seems the Greens could still work with John Swinney, where necessary. There is, I was told, 'sufficient mutual trust and respect.' There could also be a deal with Labour, arithmetically. But core Labour policies might be problematic – not least their eager advocacy of nuclear power. For now, the SNP seem more likely partners. After all, both parties support Scottish independence. Albeit with differing degrees of vigour. Frankly, I do not believe that Green politicians get up in the morning with the first thought that they must end the Union. Their waking focus is on the environment and climate change. Still, the Greens insist that they back independence, placing it in the context of those environmental aims. They say that an independent Scotland would be better placed to alter energy policy and tackle the climate crisis. And there is another thought lurking at the back of Green minds. They note that John Swinney has faced a degree of internal SNP criticism from those who believe he is not sufficiently fervent in pursuing independence. One source suggested to me that this might present an opportunity for the Greens to highlight their independence credentials. Frankly, to prise votes from the SNP. However, as with Mr Swinney, it seems the Greens want to get away from discourse over the independence process. To build support instead for the proclaimed advantages of the notion. Again, though, the Greens will not shed their iconoclastic image. They will continue to position themselves as challenging the wealthy establishment. An opportunity to do that presents itself with President Trump's possible Scottish visit. Many leading politicians will be torn between mounting protests and arguing Scotland's interests, if given a chance. No such dilemma confronts the Greens – who will be firmly behind the barricades. But, still, there is the lure of pragmatism. I expect the Greens to enter the next Holyrood elections with a litany of claimed achievements and a taste of what more could be feasible, if they are granted influence. Always a degree of grandiloquence on the climate. But a focus on cutting costs for working families. Rent controls, free bus travel for young people, secured by the Greens in partnership with the SNP. This leadership election will determine who is primarily making that case. Patrick Harvie is standing down as co-convener. Lorna Slater is seeking re-election. As I write, MSPs Ross Greer and Gillian Mackay are also in the frame. Others may emerge. En passant, I should note that the winners will not necessarily be one woman, one man, as in the past. That reflects revised equality guidance. But political balance will still be at the core of this contest. What direction will the Scottish Greens pursue? And could it lead them back to shared power at Holyrood? Brian Taylor is a former political editor for BBC Scotland and a columnist for The Herald. He cherishes his family, the theatre – and Dundee United FC
-(1).jpg%3Fwidth%3D1200%26auto%3Dwebp%26quality%3D75%26crop%3D3%3A2%2Csmart%26trim%3D&w=3840&q=100)

Scotsman
3 hours ago
- Scotsman
Westminster: How often has your Scottish MP voted and spoken in House of Commons since the general election?
Sign up to our Politics newsletter Sign up Thank you for signing up! Did you know with a Digital Subscription to The Scotsman, you can get unlimited access to the website including our premium content, as well as benefiting from fewer ads, loyalty rewards and much more. Learn More Sorry, there seem to be some issues. Please try again later. Submitting... Scotland's MPs have now been in post for a year - but how much work are they actually doing in Westminster? The Scotsman has analysed how many times Scotland's MPs have voted and spoken in the House of Commons since the general election on July 4 last year. Advertisement Hide Ad Advertisement Hide Ad We have looked at how many times each MP has voted, how many early day motions they have supported, how many spoken contributions they have made, and how many written questions they have submitted to the UK government. UK Energy Minister Michael Shanks, Scottish Secretary Ian Murray, Lib Dem MP Christine Jardine, SNP Westminster leader Stephen Flynn, Shadow Scottish Secretary Andrew Bowie. | Press Association The MPs who have voted the most times are Chris Kane (Labour MP for Stirling and Strathallan) and Brian Leishman (Labour MP for Alloa and Grangemouth), who have both voted 225 times. The MP who has voted the least is SNP Westminster leader and Aberdeen South MP Stephen Flynn on 66 votes. The SNP has a long-standing policy of abstaining on votes that do not affect Scotland. When it comes to speaking in debates, the MP who has spoken the most is Lib Dem MP for Edinburgh West Christine Jardine, who has made 146 spoken contributions. Advertisement Hide Ad Advertisement Hide Ad By contrast, Imogen Walker (Labour MP for Hamilton and Clyde Valley) has only spoken eight times, and Pamela Nash (Labour MP for Motherwell, Wishaw and Carluke) has only spoken ten times. Early day motions are motions which are submitted for debate in the House of Commons and supporting them puts an MPs' point of view on record. Government ministers, whips and parliamentary private secretaries do not sign these. For example, Scottish Secretary Ian Murray has not signed any as he is a government minister. Ms Jardine has signed the most early day motions on 321. From those who are allowed to support the motions, six Labour MPs have not supported any: Johanna Baxter (Paisley and Renfrewshire South), Alan Gemmell (Central Ayrshire), Chris Murray (Edinburgh East and Musselburgh), Ms Nash, Ms Walker and Melanie Ward (Cowdenbeath and Kirkcaldy). Advertisement Hide Ad Advertisement Hide Ad Written questions can be submitted to ask government ministers about their work - therefore, government ministers will be answering rather than asking. The MP who has asked the most is shadow Scottish secretary Andrew Bowie (West Aberdeenshire and Kincardine) on 382. Ms Nash has asked zero questions, and Dr Zubir Ahmed (Labour MP for Glasgow South West) and John Grady (Labour MP for Glasgow East) have asked only one. Here is the list of what Scotland's MPs have spent the past year in Westminster doing. Figures are correct as of July 9. Dr Zubir Ahmed - Glasgow South West Labour 198 votes, two early day motions, 33 spoken contributions, one written question Douglas Alexander - Lothian East Labour Business and trade minister and Cabinet Office minister 150 votes, zero early day motions, 28 spoken contributions, zero written questions Dr Scott Arthur - Edinburgh South West Labour 216 votes, 66 early day motions, 103 spoken contributions, 171 written contributions Richard Baker - Glenrothes and Mid Fife Labour 230 votes, 33 early day motions, 47 spoken contributions, 40 written questions Johanna Baxter - Paisley and Renfrewshire South Labour 228 votes, zero early day motions, 103 spoken contributions, 26 written questions Kirsty Blackman - Aberdeen North SNP SNP chief whip, work and pensions spokeswoman, and equalities spokeswoman 85 votes, 45 early day motions, 67 spoken contributions, 89 written questions Andrew Bowie - West Aberdeenshire and Kincardine Shadow Scottish Secretary Andrew Bowie Conservative Shadow energy minister and shadow Scottish secretary 167 votes, two early day motions, 71 spoken contributions, 382 written questions Maureen Burke - Glasgow North East Labour 184 votes, 40 early day motions, 14 spoken contributions, 21 written questions Irene Campbell - North Ayrshire and Arran Labour 227 votes, ten early day motions, 28 spoken contributions, 19 written questions Alistair Carmichael - Orkney and Shetland Lib Dem 146 votes, 54 early day motions, 95 spoken contributions, eight written questions Wendy Chamberlain - North East Fife Wendy Chamberlain MP Lib Dem Lib Dem chief whip 143 votes, 260 early day motions, 92 spoken contributions, 73 written questions John Cooper - Dumfries and Galloway Conservative 170 votes, seven early day motions, 102 spoken contributions, 84 written questions Torcuil Crichton - Na h-Eileanan an Iar Labour 219 votes, four early day motions, 56 spoken contributions, seven written questions Harriet Cross - Gordon and Buchan Conservative Opposition assistant whip 197 votes, three early day motions, 114 spoken contributions, 142 written questions Dave Doogan - Angus and Perthshire Glens SNP SNP defence spokesman and economy spokesman 86 votes, 64 early day motions, 96 spoken contributions, 101 written questions Graeme Downie - Dunfermline and Dollar Labour 198 votes, 28 early day motions, 86 spoken contributions, 219 written questions Patricia Ferguson - Glasgow West Labour 196 votes, 109 early day motions, 67 spoken contributions, 34 written questions Stephen Flynn - Aberdeen South SNP Westminster leader Stephen Flynn | House of Commons/UK Parliament SNP SNP Westminster leader 66 votes, 24 early day motions, 50 spoken contributions, nine written questions Alan Gemmell - Central Ayrshire Labour 224 votes, zero early day motions, 40 spoken contributions, four written questions Stephen Gethins - Arbroath and Broughty Ferry SNP SNP Scotland and international affairs spokesman 84 votes, 74 early day motions, 59 spoken contributions, 122 written questions Tracy Gilbert - Edinburgh North and Leith Labour 224 votes, 28 early day motions, 53 spoken contributions, 79 written questions John Grady - Glasgow East Labour 220 votes, nine early day motions, 48 spoken contributions, one written question Christine Jardine - Edinburgh West Christine Jardine MP Lib Dem 142 votes, 321 early day motions, 146 spoken contributions, 39 written questions Lillian Jones - Kilmarnock and Loudon Labour 173 votes, 14 early day motions, 34 spoken contributions, four written questions Chris Kane - Stirling and Strathallan Labour 225 votes, 25 early day motions, 22 spoken contributions, 25 written questions John Lamont - Berwickshire, Roxburgh and Selkirk Conservative 185 votes, four early day motions, 119 spoken contributions, 25 written questions Chris Law - Dundee Central SNP SNP business, international development and trade spokesman 76 votes, 275 early day motions, 72 spoken contributions, 139 written questions Graham Leadbitter - Moray West, Nairn and Strathspey SNP SNP science, innovation and technology, transport, and energy security and net zero spokesman 79 votes, 169 early day motions, 63 spoken contributions, 92 written questions Brian Leishman - Alloa and Grangemouth Brian Leishman, the Labour MP for Alloa and Grangemouth | Michael Gillen/National World Labour 225 votes, 170 early day motions, 74 spoken contributions, 65 written questions Seamus Logan - Aberdeenshire North and Moray East SNP SNP environment, food and rural affairs, and health and social care spokesman 80 votes, 77 early day motions, 96 spoken contributions, 74 written questions Angus Macdonald - Inverness, Skye and West Ross-shire Lib Dem 143 votes, 432 early day motions, 41 spoken contributions, 171 written questions Douglas McAllister - West Dunbartonshire Labour 217votes, 32 early day motions, 77 spoken contributions, six written questions Martin McCluskey - Inverclude and Renfrewshire West Labour Government assistant whip 225 votes, zero early day motions, 13 spoken contributions, six written questions Blair McDougall - East Renfrewshire Labour 186 votes, 26 early day motions, 59 spoken contributions, 118 written questions Gordon McKee - Glasgow South Labour 207 votes, 26 early day motions, 25 spoken contributions, six written questions Frank McNally - Coatbridge and Bellshill Labour 200 votes, 15 early day motions, 34 spoken contributions, nine written questions Kirsty McNeill - Midlothian Scottish Minister Kirsty McNeill | Press Association Labour Scottish minister 202 votes, zero early day motions, 27 spoken contributions, zero written questions David Mundell - Dumfriesshire, Clydesdale and Tweeddale Conservative 122 votes, nine early day motions, 101 spoken contributions, 40 written questions Chris Murray - Edinburgh East and Musselburgh Labour 223 votes, zero early day motions, 83 spoken contributions, 23 written questions Ian Murray - Edinburgh South Scottish Secretary Ian Murray Labour Scottish secretary 187 votes, zero early day motions, 29 spoken contributions, zero written questions Katrina Murray - Cumbernauld and Kirkintilloch Labour 198 votes, 23 early day motions, 34 spoken contributions, four written questions Susan Murray - Mid Dunbartonshire Lib Dem 152 votes, 79 early day motions, 34 spoken contributions, 88 written questions Pamela Nash - Motherwell, Wishaw and Carluke Pamela Nash MP | John Devlin/National World Labour 220 votes, zero early day motions, 10 spoken contributions, zero written questions Brendan O'Hara - Argyll, Bute and South Lochaber SNP SNP Cabinet Office, culture, media and sport, and Middle East spokesman 84 votes, 54 early day motions, 65 spoken contributions, 46 written questions Gregor Poynton - Livingston Labour 218 votes, 18 early day motions, 68 spoken contributions, 40 written questions Joani Reid - East Kilbride and Strathaven Labour 195 votes, one early day motion, 27 spoken contributions, 11 written questions Martin Rhodes - Glasgow North Labour 222 votes, 52 early day motions, 36 spoken contributions, 16 written questions Michael Shanks - Rutherglen Energy Minister Michael Shanks |Labour Energy security and net zero minister 192 votes, zero early day motions, 72 spoken contributions, zero written questions Euan Stainbank - Falkirk Labour 232 votes, 65 early day motions, 58 spoken contributions, 107 written questions Kenneth Stevenson - Airdrie and Shotts Labour 191 votes, three early day motions,17 spoken contributions, six written questions Elaine Stewart - Ayr, Carrick and Cumnock Labour 180 votes, 14 early day motions, 31 spoken contributions, two written questions Jamie Stone - Caithness, Sutherland and Ross Lib Dem 151 votes, 80 early day motions, 74 spoken contributions, 19 written questions Kirsteen Sullivan - Bathgate and Linlithgow Labour 179 votes, 72 early day motions, 63 spoken contributions, 16 written questions Alison Taylor - Paisley and Renfrewshire West Labour 138 votes, eight early day motions, 20 spoken contributions, 42 written questions Imogen Walker - Hamilton and Clyde Valley Labour 187 times, zero early day motions, eight spoken contributions, six written question Melanie Ward - Cowdenbeath and Kirkcaldy Labour 217 votes, zero early day motions, 84 spoken contributions, 58 written questions Pete Wishart - Perth and Kinross-shire