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UFC landed a $7.7bn deal with Paramount. But is Dana White's Trump bond a liability?

UFC landed a $7.7bn deal with Paramount. But is Dana White's Trump bond a liability?

Yahooa day ago
Forget for a moment the stereotype that MMA athletes and their fans are All-American bar fighters. The MMA community is far more diverse and far more cerebral than the casual onlooker realizes.
Has Dana White forgotten that?
The UFC president has long sought to expand the sport's appeal to as many demographics as possible. But in the past few years, he has bet big on a tight affiliation with Donald Trump, who has been perfectly content to revel in the adulation of one segment of the population while heaping scorn upon all others. White has campaigned for Trump, welcomed him to several UFC events and hasn't immediately smacked down the notion of holding a UFC card at the White House.
On the surface, that might seem logical. MMA culture is intertwined with bro culture, and bros are considered the antithesis of 'woke' liberalism.
But it's not that simple. Consider a startling fact: while Maga champions an 'America First' ideology, the UFC is a paragon of globalism. Of the 11 reigning UFC champions, only one is American – Kayla Harrison, thriving in an organization White once insisted would exclude women. Both Australia and Georgia (the country) boast twice as many champions as the UFC's home country. The only belt firmly held by US fighters is the unofficial 'BMF' (Baddest Motherfucker) belt. White invented this to reward charismatic fighters who put on great shows. While it's a clever way to encourage personality and panache, it also seems like a DEI program to ensure US fighters remain prominent in the UFC pantheon.
So the UFC roster is more global than ever. But UFC fighters have never fit neatly into categories.
This diversity was a hallmark of the reality show that broke the UFC into the mainstream, The Ultimate Fighter. The casts included cerebral chess players, devout Christians and someone who brought a compass to ensure that his bed would face north, and another who fled the show to reassure his girlfriend that rumors she saw online weren't true.
And the UFC evolved in ways that might be considered 'progressive.' Cain Velasquez didn't lose any noticeable fan support in 2010 when he sported a 'Brown Pride' tattoo across his chest and admitted that his father had immigrated illegally. (Velasquez has since been sentenced to prison for issues unrelated to immigration.) After opposing the idea of female fighters for many years, White threw open the Octagon door to Ronda Rousey in a 2013 bout against Liz Carmouche, who was openly gay. White strongly supported Carmouche and even gave an impassioned plea to legalize gay marriage wherever it wasn't already recognized – a position he stated well before a series of landmark US supreme court decisions upheld that right. Four years later, UFC fighter Jessica Andrade proposed to her girlfriend in her postfight interview in the Octagon. While the UFC sold Pride Month gear and gave proceeds to an LGBTQIA+ organization in Nevada, outspoken Trump supporter Colby Covington emerged as one of the sport's biggest villains.
Related: Donald Trump's UFC stunt is more than a circus. It's authoritarian theatre | Karim Zidan
Still, the UFC's primary demographic of young adult men proved to be a decisive force for Trump's return to the presidency. This group overlaps significantly with the audience for UFC commentator Joe Rogan's popular podcast, and Rogan – who felt ostracized by the left after touting scientifically unsound Covid treatments – endorsed Trump last year.
But that was November. Fast forward to this summer, and this demographic has veered sharply against Trump. Rogan himself has broken with the president over tariffs, deportations and the Epstein files. Last month, Rogan told podcast guest James Talarico, a Texas Democrat, that he should run for the White House. There's a case to be made that if the Kamala Harris campaign had managed to get her on Rogan's podcast last fall, we would have a different president today.
Such changes shouldn't be a surprise. Rogan himself is always on the lookout for new ideas – if anything, he's a little too receptive to some schools of thought and doesn't push back or check facts. While older Americans are prone to adopting a party and sticking with it come hell or high water, Gen Z is fiercely independent politically. They're also more diverse than previous generations, more likely to be non-white, LGBTQ+ or any other group that may feel aggrieved by Trump's actions since reclaiming the presidency. Younger generations are also much more receptive to socialism than prior ones – after all, young men made enough of a fuss over Bernie Sanders to warrant the term 'Bernie Bros.' So Maga's place in 'bro culture' – and those who are MMA fans – is by no means secure. And one day, Donald Trump will be out of office. We've already seen that US conservatives are eager to abandon one trend for another. Today's Maga supporters had a decidedly different message when the Tea Party reigned supreme. Two decades after calling Democrats 'traitors' for opposing wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, they excommunicated the entire Bush family. Trump's popularity may well be on the slide too. His approval rating has tanked, and his mutable responses to the Jeffrey Epstein saga have fractured his base. The UFC may well be losing as many fans as its attracts by aligning itself with Trump.
The UFC, meanwhile, is still a strong brand but perhaps not the hot property it was a few years ago. Last week's Disney earnings report made a brief reference to 'lower Ultimate Fighting Championship pay-per-view fees due to lower average buys per event.' The fight game tends to be cyclical, driven by big personalities like Rousey, Jon Jones and Conor McGregor, all of whom have either left the sport or gone through a prolonged period of inactivity. It's tough to imagine current light heavyweight champion Magomed Ankalaev reaching the level of fame of Forrest Griffin, Rampage Jackson or Chuck Liddell. While we can't really quantify the impact of the Trump lovefest on the UFC's popularity, the organization clearly can't afford to alienate the 60% or so of the population that disapproves of Trump's presidency thus far.
Perhaps this is one reason why the UFC has just opted for a new media deal that breaks from their pay-per-view model in order to get wider exposure. 'This shift in distribution strategy will unlock greater accessibility and discoverability for sports fans,' said the press release announcing the seven-year, $7.7bn deal. Some fight cards will be on network TV, and others will be free to subscribers of their streaming partner.
That streaming partner, though, is Paramount, which has also drawn the ire of many US viewers through a series of moves that appear to be a capitulation to the president's desire to control the media. First, Paramount settled a lawsuit over the editing of a Kamala Harris interview, a lawsuit deemed by many legal scholars as rather simple for Paramount to win, at the same time that the media conglomerate sought government approval for a merger. Second, after TV host Stephen Colbert criticized his parent company for settling the suit, Paramount announced that his show will end in 2026, ostensibly for financial reasons even though it is the highest-rated late-night show. (Fox News Channel claims its show Gutfeld! has higher ratings, but it airs earlier than the traditional late-night window that starts at 11.30pm Eastern time.)
Still, the decision to move away from the pay-per-view model can only be seen as a sign that the UFC feels the need to make its big tent a bit bigger as it faces the difficult challenge of keeping US fans interested in a sport in which American athletes are far from dominant. Typically, US sports broadcasters gravitate to events in which US athletes are faring well, which is why Olympic coverage focuses far more attention on swimming and snowboarding than, say, table tennis or biathlon.
White and Trump were always an odd match. Trump was involved with Affliction, a rival MMA organization of the late 2000s that White fought with the venom of the Trump administration's attacks on Harvard and the media. Trump has ridiculed veterans, dating back to when he said he didn't consider John McCain a war hero because he likes 'people who weren't captured' and continuing with Ice arrests of veterans in his second term and a recent awkward moment in which he turned attention to himself at a ceremony honoring Purple Heart recipients; White and the UFC are staunch supporters of the Wounded Warrior Project and other veterans' groups. White is an affable philanthropist; Trump used funds from his own foundation on a portrait of himself and his presidential campaign.
We probably won't see White publicly repudiate Trump, a move that wouldn't sit well with a sizable portion of UFC's audience. But over the years, White has shrewdly expanded the UFC fanbase, and he would dearly love for his sport to be the biggest in the world. White has already pronounced that his involvement with politics ends with Trump, telling The New Yorker last year that: 'I'm never fucking doing this again. I want nothing to do with this shit. It's gross. It's disgusting. I want nothing to do with politics.'
White has changed his mind about many things over the years. He brought in Kimbo Slice not long after denigrating his fighting skills. He brought women into the cage. But those moves were driven by popular uprisings, and White is almost always willing to give fans what they want. While much of the country watches in horror as Medicaid is slashed, Gaza's suffering gets worse by the week, the economy teeters on the brink, and the White House is in crisis mode trying to deflect from the Epstein case, the clamor to make White reassert his position at Trump's side will surely be muted.
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This Woman Is Going Viral For Hilariously Explaining The Brutal Truth About The US's Student Loan Crisis
This Woman Is Going Viral For Hilariously Explaining The Brutal Truth About The US's Student Loan Crisis

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This Woman Is Going Viral For Hilariously Explaining The Brutal Truth About The US's Student Loan Crisis

I doubt it'll come as a surprise to anyone under 45, but according to nearly "one in six adult Americans" has federal student loan debt, and the New York Times reports that millennials hold the bulk of that debt. Back in May, President Trump resumed collections on previously defaulted student loans, which had been paused since 2020. Combined with the government allowing loan servicers to report late payments to credit bureaus again (which had also been on pause), the New York Times said that millions of people have seen their credit scores drop, and "a record number of borrowers are [now] at risk of defaulting by the end of the year." Student loans have continued to be a point of contention politically as well, with many conservatives arguing against student loan forgiveness, saying it's akin to getting something for free. However, younger people contend that the loans are predatory, unaffordable, and feel impossible to pay off, sometimes even after they've been making regular payments for years. Zoë Tyler, aka thezolyspirit, recently went viral in a video where she jokingly laid out exactly what the student loan crisis looks like in reality. Zoë started out the video satirically, in a perfect mid-Atlantic accent, with a text overlay that says, "What boomers think the student loan crisis is...": "Oh, yes," she said, "Well, I, I know I said I would pay back those student loans, but I... I've decided I don't want to," she said with a smile. "I don't ever want to grow up. I want to stay a child forever." @thezolyspirit / Via Then, she switched immediately back to her normal speaking voice with a text overlay that says "What it actually is..." as she began imitating a one-sided phone call. "Hi, yes, um — so, I have my student loan pulled up here — I've been making the minimum payment on time for 10 years, and I now owe more than I took out. So I just… I was wondering what's that about?" she asked. @thezolyspirit / Via "The interest accrues faster than you can pay it off? Oh, that's…that's you guys are able to do that." "What is the interest, by the way? I can't… It's 13%? Okay. That makes sense, that…that it would be that." Then, Zoë begins a new conversation. "Hi! I just graduated, and I noticed that my student loans are way more than I originally took out. It was accruing interest while I was at school? Uh. Hmm. But it says the principle is more than I took [out]..." @thezolyspirit / Via "When I graduated, you combined the accruing interest into the principle, so now… I took out $55,000, and it's saying that it accrued $20,000 while I was at school. So now, instead of taking the 10% interest off of $55,000, you're taking 10% interest off of $75,000? Wow!" @thezolyspirit / Via The video ended with Zoë signing off the call. "All right, well, uh, thank you. What was your name, sir? One more time? Beelzebub? Okay, thank you." People in the comments were quick to back Zoë up, pointing out that they'd had similar experiences with their own loans. "I borrowed $17k and they want $60k back. They need to be fr lmao," said one person. "My husband, after paying for 13 years, checked his student loan breakdown. Turns out, of the 350$ a month he has been paying on time for 13+ years, only .16 CENTS a month goes toward the principle balance." "atp my student loans are an issue between the government and god." Others pointed out how much costs have changed since the baby boomers were in school. "Tuitions and Fees have gone up 133% since the 80s." U.S. News & World Report confirms this statistic, with the qualifier that it is in regard to in-state tuition and fees at public national universities, and is not adjusted for inflation. "My FIL [father-in-law] paid for his college and his living expenses for the entire year by working an entry level construction job in the summer. No way anyone could do that now-a-days. A summer job wouldn't even cover books and fees." The conversation made its way over to Twitter (X) as well, when the video was shared with the comment, "A TikTok that explains the student-loan crisis better than any politician or journalist can, in 93 seconds." Quoting a response to the original tweet, they also said, "This is not 'basic finance,' these are exploitative non-negotiable terms which makes this a form of predatory lending." "If you get a 7-year car loan and make the minimum payment every month, the loan will be paid off in 7 years... It's literally only student loans that are like this." Unsurprisingly, there were commenters who felt that borrowers were the ones responsible for their debt. "Crying about being responsible for your choices just shows how out of touch that generation is," said one person. "What this tik tok explains really well is that people didn't learn the right things in college." "Do not sign don't understand. Especially don't do that and then try to make it other people's problem." But others pushed back, pointing out that people took these loans out when they were still teenagers, usually with a promise that going to college would help them earn more money later. "Worst part is people will see this and say 'well you as a 17/18 y/o should have realized how predatory it was.'" "Telling 18 year olds that they have to go to college to be successful and not fully explaining to them what loans are like is diabolical." "a lot of us were just shuffled through a line and told to sign a sheet of paper so we could go to school, all with minimal explanation of any of it." And finally, this commenter summed it up best: "But make sure you pay them off whilst also buying a house, paying for a wedding, and having children all whilst earning proportionally less than they ever did because wages are stagnant, ok? You can do it if you just cancel your Netflix." You can see Zoë's full video below: @thezolyspirit / Via And now I have to know: What do you think? Are you still paying off student loans? Do you feel they should be forgiven, or at least reduced after a decade of payments? Let us know in the comments. And if you'd like to remain anonymous, you can use the form below.

Pistons' NBA Cup schedule 2025: Celtics on ESPN highlights 4 games
Pistons' NBA Cup schedule 2025: Celtics on ESPN highlights 4 games

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Pistons' NBA Cup schedule 2025: Celtics on ESPN highlights 4 games

The Detroit Pistons' 2025 NBA Cup schedule was released Wednesday, Aug. 13. The Pistons, one of five teams in East Group B, will visit the Brooklyn Nets on Nov. 7 to start their in-season tournament schedule, host the Philadelphia 76ers on Nov. 14, play in Boston for a nationally-televised game against the Celtics on ESPN on Nov. 26, and then conclude group play with a home game against the Orlando Magic on Nov. 28. The Nets are rebuilding, the Sixers have exciting young guards surrounding injury-riddled veterans Joel Embiid and Paul George, the Celtics won't have Jayson Tatum (Achilles) and traded starters Jrue Holiday (Portland) and Kristaps Porzingis (Atlanta) and the Magic acquired Desmond Bane to form a dynamic top four. Orlando is the betting favorite to win the group, with the Pistons and Sixers with the second-best odds according to BetMGM. The Pistons have three known national games ahead of the full NBA schedule release Thursday. Both are home games, against the Cleveland Cavaliers on Oct. 27 (Peacock) and against the Celtics on Martin Luther King Jr. Day on Jan. 19 at 8 p.m. (Peacock, NBC). TRENDING: NBA experts are high on Pistons win total for 2025-26 They will also face the Dallas Mavericks in Mexico City, Nov. 1. It will be the Pistons' third time playing in Mexico, with the two teams last facing each other in the city in 2019. The Pistons tip off their four-game preseason slate Oct. 6 on the road against the Memphis Grizzlies. Detroit Pistons NBA Cup schedule 2025 The Pistons have a four-game schedule comprised from East Group B for the third year of the NBA Cup, an in-season tournament. All group games are among each team's 82-game regular season. Nov. 7: at Brooklyn Nets, 7:30 p.m. Nov. 14: vs Philadelphia 76ers, 7:30 p.m. Nov. 26: at Boston Celtics, 5 p.m., ESPN. Nov. 28: vs Orlando Magic, 7:30 p.m. There are six groups split evenly across both conferences, and the best team in each group plus two wild-card teams will advance to the single-elimination quarterfinals, scheduled for Dec. 9, followed by the semifinals and then the championship game in Las Vegas on Dec. 16. The championship game does not count in the regular season standings. [ MUST WATCH: Make "The Pistons Pulse" your go-to Detroit Pistons podcast, listen available anywhere you listen to podcasts (Apple, Spotify) ] Follow the Pistons all year long with the best coverage at Follow the Detroit Free Press on Instagram (@detroitfreepress), TikTok (@detroitfreepress), YouTube (@DetroitFreePress), X (@freep), and LinkedIn, and like us on Facebook (@detroitfreepress). Submit a letter to the editor at and we may publish it online or in print. This article originally appeared on Detroit Free Press: Pistons NBA Cup schedule 2025: Celtics on ESPN highlights 4 games

What's the next 'arms race' in college sports? Finding ways to legally exceed new rev-share cap
What's the next 'arms race' in college sports? Finding ways to legally exceed new rev-share cap

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What's the next 'arms race' in college sports? Finding ways to legally exceed new rev-share cap

Tennessee athletic director Danny White faced a decision this year: Remain with apparel partner Nike or move to a new brand, adidas. He considered plenty of factors in the decision, such as quality of the gear and overall financial terms. But one, perhaps, stood above the rest: How much name, image and likeness (NIL) support would an apparel company give to Tennessee's athletes? 'NIL was right up there,' White told Yahoo Sports in a recent interview. 'We are in a very competitive space. It was at the forefront of my mind.' Tennessee announced on Wednesday a return to adidas, a brand the university used during a 20-year run that ended in 2014. The brand and school struck a 10-year contract that is 'one of the biggest apparel deals in the history of college sports,' according to White, likely putting its value at at least $10 million annually in product and cash. At the heart of the deal is expected to also be one of the most lucrative NIL components in the history of collegiate apparel deals, described by one of the company's vice presidents as 'establishing a new standard for investment in NIL.' In short, the players will get a piece of the $100 million-plus pie — in a significant way, too, and, for some of them, immediately. Adidas says it is already working to strike individual deals with Tennessee athletes during this school year — months before the new apparel contract starts next July. Once the partnership begins, the company will offer what it calls 'unprecedented NIL opportunities' for UT athletes across all 20 sports. 'The arms race was originally about facilities,' said Chris McGuire, adidas vice president of sports marketing, North America. 'Now it's gone to rev-share and NIL. We want to make sure we provide opportunities to our partners that are competitive in the marketplace so they'll have competitive teams on the field.' Tennessee's apparel partnership is the latest weapon in the new recruiting battlefield: Finding creative ways to legally exceed the revenue-share cap by providing athletes with legitimate third-party endorsement and commercial deals. 'This is the first one' The adidas deal won't be the last apparel contract structured in this way, experts believe. Several power programs remain in negotiations with apparel partners as their current contracts come to an end, including LSU, Penn State and USC. In fact, more than 20 power conference programs have apparel deals set to expire in 2026 and 2027. McGuire acknowledges that this 'model,' if it works as intended, will be used elsewhere. 'This is the first one,' he said. There are plenty more weapons, so to speak, that schools are using to increase the value of their rosters, including multimedia rights partners, various corporate sponsors and even reinvented booster collectives — all supplying some level of above-the-cap athlete compensation. The revenue-share cap this year (July 2025-June 2026) is $20.5 million, the max each school can distribute to their athletes. But schools are able to facilitate for their athletes individual third-party endorsement and commercial deals that, if approved through the new College Sports Commission enforcement process, are not included in the cap number. This has created a new recruiting landscape where many schools, at first reliant on their collectives to drive athlete compensation, are now shifting to what they believe are more legitimate entities whose athlete deals can more easily gain the approval of the College Sports Commission. There's a brewing bidding war unfolding among multimedia rights and apparel companies jockeying to offer the best NIL-centric contracts to gain university partnerships. Many schools are employing multimedia rights (MMR) partners and marketing agencies — perhaps those that once operated as collectives — to use corporate sponsors to direct their distribution to athletes instead of to the school, says Tommy Gray, CEO of Altius, a company that provides dozens of schools with consultation and strategic planning. "For example, some are going to their corporate sponsors and saying 20% of your spend must be deployed in an athlete marketing fund so we can distribute it to our athletes," Gray told Yahoo Sports in the spring. "It may be impermissible to commit that money to athletes in writing, but that doesn't mean you can't tell athletes that if they do these things, you are confident they will get X amount of dollars. There are a lot of ways to do it if you want to push the envelope." Apparel companies fill a similar void in a similar way, except they would directly strike deals with athletes. There's no middle man necessary. Despite being deemed an 'affiliated entity' of a school — this designation heightens the enforcement arm's standard — would adidas, Nike or Under Armour, all longtime legitimate national brands, really see their athlete deals rejected? What about Learfield, JMI and Playfly Sports? They are longtime school multimedia rights partners with the capability to facilitate deals with athletes among any of their thousands of corporate businesses and brands. "There are a lot of places where the MMR partner, directly or indirectly, is supplying millions to athletes," Gray says. 'Who gets to tell Learfield it's not OK to give $5 million a year to athletes? Who gets to go in and say, 'That's not permissible.'' Paia LaPalombara, a former Ohio State athletic administrator who joined last year the Indiana law firm Church Church Hittle + Antrim, says partnering with an MMR or apparel brand is likely the best way for schools to 'exceed the cap without falling under that fair market value' standard. Will new deals pass muster? Multimedia rights partners are already paying schools millions in licensing agreements to sell their intellectual property, such as marks, logos, etc. Corporate sponsors want both — the marks plus the athletes — for the most lucrative NIL deals, says Craig Sloan, the CEO of Playfly Sports. 'The one that's going to be tested the most is a student-athlete appearing in uniform in a campaign. What is that value?' Sloan said. 'We do have evidence that shows the use of IP will enhance a brand's perception with consumers. The data supports the idea that if you're going to come in and sponsor our Auburn program, it makes sense to do it with a student-athlete.' Sloan says Playfly doesn't guarantee schools a certain amount of NIL for their athletes, but, moreso, 'shares a vision' with schools on a 'need number' for NIL. Learfield is approaching it in a similar fashion. CEO Cole Gahagan says the company struck athlete brand deals of more than $135 million last fiscal year. 'Now that salary caps have been in place, there is increased pressure to find more opportunities to create more events for athletes,' Gahagan said. 'When we have dedicated resources on the ground on campus — sales people dedicated to NIL, NIL activation coordinator and NIL content producer — we see the greatest and most NIL deal-making output at our properties.' Learfield has recently announced new NIL-related partnerships with several power programs, including Texas, Georgia and Oklahoma — all deals billed as a way to 'unlock new revenue-generating opportunities' for athletes. These collaborations will operate independently from the university as marketing and NIL agencies to connect athletes with corporate sponsors to 'earn income beyond traditional revenue-sharing models,' according to one of the releases. Playfly, meanwhile, struck a 15-year, $515 million deal with Texas A&M earlier this summer, believed to be one of the most lucrative multimedia rights contracts in the history of college athletics and one that offers NIL components. Kentucky announced a similar move just this week, resigning with multimedia partner JMI in a deal where the company will create an "in-house NIL collective" to help facilitate athlete brand deals and ensure each passes through the new enforcement process. 'How quickly will collectives start to fade away or become less important? Because the sustainable model is athletes inking opportunities for producing content, activations, likeness in campaigns,' Sloan said. 'It's pretty clear it's not going to be a collective and booster giving someone a bunch of money.' But collectives received a sort-of lifeline last month, when a legal threat from attorneys forced the College Sports Commission to re-evaluate guidance that would have prohibited most booster-collective deals with athletes. The enforcement arm is determining the legitimacy of third-party deals based mostly on two standards. NIL deals have to meet the standard of (1) having a 'valid business purpose' and (2) falling within a compensation range created by Deloitte. The first of those — involving the prohibition of many collective deals — fell victim to the legal challenge, opening a path for collectives to continue to operate in a similar way, but not exactly the same, as they previously did. The second standard — range of compensation — serves as the CSC's backstop, at least until it is challenged legally as well. Deloitte created 'the range of compensation' through an algorithm using fair-market value analysis, comparing similar types of NIL deals struck between an athlete and the third party. It factors in a player's social media following, athletic performance, the school's marketplace and location, etc. Will the CSC really deny athlete deals from big brands and apparel companies? 'At the end of the day,' said Sloan, 'a person not on campus, not in our communities is going to have a difficult time setting our market rate.'

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