
Money, political future of Lee Jun-seok hangs on 10% vote
Results will have substantial impact on candidate's political career, and crucial to getting reimbursed for campaign spending
Lee Jun-seok, the candidate for the minor New Reform Party, went into polling day expecting to finish a distant third. But regardless of his low chances of winning, how many votes the 40-year-old politicians garners will likely affect the remainder of his career.
Getting at least 10 percent of the vote on Tuesday will be considered a significant feat for Lee, who leads a minor party with just three members of the National Assembly. South Korean political landscape since the 1990s has been dominated by two major parties fighting for control, and no member of a minor party has ever won the presidency.
Lee's approval ratings were around the 9-10 percent range in the last polls conducted before the blackout period, and him getting a significant amount of votes will solidify his status as a prominent figure in the pan-conservative bloc. While his party is considered centrist in the parliament, Lee is considered right-wing, as he had previously been a leader of the conservative People Power Party.
During his election campaign on Monday in Daegu, the stronghold of the conservative bloc, he urged voters to invest in him with "the seed money for the new conservatives."
Identifying him as a fellow conservative, the People Power Party had called for Lee to unify his campaign with its own candidate Kim Moon-soo, with the party's floor leader urging Lee to make the decision even before the election day. But Lee maintained that he would complete the race.
Money issues
For Lee, the number of votes he secures holds significant financial implications.
His party has just over 120,000 members. In addition to party fees, the National Election Commission allocates separate funding. It allotted 26.53 billion won ($19.5 million) to the largest Democratic Party of Korea in election subsidies, 24.28 billion won to the PPP, and just 1.56 billion won to Lee's party.
Last week, the party said that it spent 4 billion won for the election.
The New Reform Party is entitled to other state subsidies, including the NEC's quarterly subsidies, that work out at around 350 million won, but the financial burden of the presidential race would likely be taxing to the party.
The Public Officials Election Act states that the full expenditure for a presidential campaign shall be reimbursed by the state if the candidate receives at least 15 percent of the vote. Those who get 10 percent of the vote will receive half the amount he or she spent, payment for which is slated for Aug. 12.
Last year, Lee proposed a bill that would lower the threshold for reimbursement, offering candidates who receive more than 5 percent of the vote half of their campaign expenses, and 70 percent reimbursement for those who secure at least 7 percent.
How will Lee's graphic language in TV debate affect the voting?
During the final presidential TV debate last Tuesday, Lee sparked a nationwide controversy by repeating sexually violent language thought to have been used by Democratic Party candidate Lee Jae-myung's son in the past. The gaffe occurred after the opinion polls on each candidate have been conducted, and it is unclear if and how much the dispute affected the New Reform Party's candidate's campaign.
Lee made the comment to criticize the Democratic Party's Lee for his son's inappropriate language, but many expressed shock and concern over the language being used on TV. Multiple lawsuits were filed against him by the Democratic Party and civic groups, and liberal lawmakers submitted a proposal to the National Assembly asking for disciplinary action against him.
Will Lee be blamed for conservative bloc's loss?
Despite the People Power Party's continued calls for Lee to support Kim, he has spoken against the PPP candidate in his campaign, although not nearly as much as he has attacked the Democratic Party candidate.
On Monday, he reiterated his stance that he will not join Kim and said voting for Kim will result in absolving ex-President Yoon Suk Yeol and his followers. The disgraced former leader of Korea, who was impeached after imposing martial law in December of last year, belonged to Kim's party until last month.
With Lee taking a substantial slice of the conservative vote, there is a possibility that he may be subject to criticism if Kim ends up losing to Lee in relatively close race.
The final polls announced last week suggested that the DP candidate would still be a favorite even against their unified front, but with a much-closer margin. A Hankook research survey showed approval ratings of 44 percent for Lee Jae-myung and 41 percent for Kim, if the New Reform Party candidate dropped out to back Kim.
Other polls, such as Gallup Korea, showed that DP's Lee would still hold a 53 percent to 43 percent lead against a unified conservative campaign.
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[Wang Son-taek] Who is Lee Jae-myung?
On Tuesday, the people of South Korea elected Lee Jae-myung, the former chairman of the Democratic Party of Korea, as their new president. His election marks not only a dramatic political moment for the country but also signals the rise of a global political figure whose personal journey, political convictions and foreign policy stance are likely to attract worldwide attention. At first glance, Lee Jae-myung appears to be the ultimate political success story. His resume includes key leadership positions: mayor of Seongnam, governor of Gyeonggi Province (home to over 10 million people), presidential candidate in 2022 (when he lost narrowly to Yoon Suk Yeol) and leader of Korea's most prominent political party. Now, he stands at the highest office in the land. Yet, his political rise is made all the more remarkable when seen against the backdrop of his personal history. Lee was born into severe poverty in a small, struggling village in a remote area of the country. While most children his age attended middle and high school, Lee was forced to work as a child laborer in a factory to support his family. This grueling labor caused a devastating injury, leaving his left arm permanently disabled. Despite such hardship, Lee was determined to change his life. He earned his General Equivalency Diploma, allowing him to pursue higher education, and eventually attended university on a scholarship. After passing the Korean bar exam, he chose not to seek corporate wealth but to become a human rights lawyer, representing the marginalized and standing up against corruption. His deep dissatisfaction with corrupt local governance drove him into politics. In 2010, Lee ran for mayor of Seongnam, a bustling city known for its civic engagement, and won — a victory many saw as a quixotic effort come true. From there, his political career soared, taking him to the governor's seat of Korea's most populous province and then to national prominence. Lee's journey — from a child laborer with a disabled arm to president — is unprecedented in Korean political history and rare anywhere in the world. What kind of president will Lee Jae-myung be? His life story suggests a leader committed to creating a society in which the poorest and most marginalized have access to opportunity, dignity and human rights. However, Lee's emphasis has never been on punishing the wealthy or engaging in class warfare. Instead, he consistently stresses the need to lift everyone, creating a society where both rich and poor can prosper. His slogan is not about redistribution but about broad-based advancement. Where Lee remains relatively untested is in foreign policy. As a local and regional official, he had little exposure to international affairs. Yet, during his presidential campaign, Lee laid out a clear diplomatic framework, drawing on advice from his foreign policy team. His approach is grounded in pragmatism. For Lee, diplomacy is not about lofty ideals or ideological alignment; it is about maximizing national benefit across political, economic and cultural dimensions, both in the short and long terms. This pragmatism means that Lee is unlikely to break away from South Korea's longstanding alliances. Conservative critics often paint him as anti-American or dangerously sympathetic to North Korea, but these attacks miss the mark. Lee understands that the US remains the world's top military and economic power and the leader in cutting-edge technology — sectors vital to Korea's security and financial future. From a practical standpoint, no president seeking to maximize the national interest would neglect or abandon strong ties with Washington. At the same time, Lee emphasizes the importance of constructive relations with China. As South Korea's giant neighbor, China is the world's second-largest economy, a major player in high-tech industries and a key stakeholder in managing North Korean issues. For Lee, pragmatic diplomacy means finding ways to work productively with both Washington and Beijing, avoiding unnecessary polarization and pursuing strategies that expand Korea's room to maneuver on the global stage. Particularly notable is how Lee's background shapes his diplomatic philosophy. His life has taught him the value of focusing on individual well-being and tangible results, not empty rhetoric. In his eyes, the national interest is not an abstract concept but about creating conditions that improve people's lives. Therefore, we can expect Lee's foreign policy to blend hard-nosed realism and human-centered pragmatism. His administration is likely to explore diplomatic initiatives that not only secure Korea's long-term interests but also resonate with global efforts to support vulnerable populations. In sum, the election of Lee Jae-myung represents more than just a domestic political shift. It signals the emergence of a leader whose unique life story, political ideals and diplomatic outlook may position South Korea to play a more prominent and constructive role on the world stage. Both Koreans and the international community will be watching closely to see how Lee translates his remarkable personal journey into presidential leadership — and whether he can deliver on his promise to build a society in which all can thrive. Wang Son-taek is an adjunct professor at Sogang University. He is a former diplomatic correspondent at YTN and a former research associate at Yeosijae. The views expressed here are the writer's own. — Ed.


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8 hours ago
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People Power Party scrambling in aftermath of election
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