South Korea ex-President Yoon indicted again as martial law probe continues
The new charges include obstruction of the exercise of others' rights by abuse of authority, ordering the deletion of records and blocking the execution of arrest warrants, the prosecutor's office said in a briefing.
Yoon has been on trial on charges of insurrection, which is punishable by death or life imprisonment, facing additional charges since the special prosecutor was appointed in June to take over the cases against him.
Yoon has denied all wrongdoing. His lawyers did not immediately respond to a request for comment on the new charges.
The impeached and deposed former leader has been jailed at Seoul Detention Center since earlier this month, and a court earlier this week rejected his request to be freed from detention.
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Yahoo
2 hours ago
- Yahoo
Poland doubles down on South Korean tanks with $6.5 billion deal
WARSAW, Poland — In a bid to expand the tracked vehicle fleet of the country's land forces, the Polish Ministry of National Defence has ordered 180 K2 Black Panther tanks with 81 accompanying vehicles from South Korea's Hyundai Rotem. The deal is worth around $6.5 billion. The contract was signed today in Gliwice, Poland, in the presence of Władysław Kosiniak-Kamysz, the nation's Deputy Prime Minister and National Defence Minister, and South Korean Defense Minister Ahn Gyu-back who is on an official visit to Poland. Under the plan, the tanks are to be supplied to the Polish Armed Forces between 2026 and 2030. Of these, 116 tanks will be produced in the K2GF variant which is manufactured in South Korea, and 64 vehicles will be procured in the K2PL variant, the Polish ministry said in a statement. After the first three K2PL units are made at a South Korean plant, Poland's defense industry will take over manufacturing activities for the remaining 61 tanks of this version. Bumar-Łabędy, a subsidiary of the state-owned PGZ group, will handle their production. 'The new units will be better equipped than the existing ones, and production will be launched next year. In the years 2028 to 2030, we plan to have full-scale domestic production,' Kosiniak-Kamysz said during the signing ceremony. The latest development marks Poland's second executive deal for the purchase of K2 tanks. In 2022, the country ordered the first batch of 180 tracked vehicles. Under the framework contract, Warsaw can acquire up to 1,000 K2s which could make it the main tank used by the nation's land forces. The tank deal comes following heated negotiations between Warsaw and Seoul on the financial terms of the contracted South Korean weapon deliveries secured by the previous Polish government. In addition to the K2 framework agreement, the centrist cabinet of Prime Minister Donald Tusk inherited numerous major contracts for the purchase of FA-50 light attack aircraft, K9 howitzers, and Chunmoo launchers. Poland has accelerated efforts to expand its tank fleet in the aftermath of Russia's ongoing invasion of Ukraine. Looking to benefit from South Korea's mass production capacities and lenient policy toward technology transfers, Warsaw has moved to acquire South Korean defense equipment at a scale that makes it Seoul's key client in Europe. Solve the daily Crossword
New York Times
5 hours ago
- New York Times
Live Updates: Markets Fall on Weak Jobs Data and Trump's New Tariffs
Workers at the printed circuit board assembly line at Zetwerk Electronics near Bengaluru, India, in June. Personal electronics is one of India's biggest categories of exports to the United States. President Trump's new list of tariffs on half the world's countries sent the United States' trading partners scrambling to understand how their businesses will be affected. India got the bad news a day earlier — its goods face a tariff of 25 percent or more — but the extra time was hardly enough to adjust to the fresh chaos. Indian negotiators had not expected to conclude a meaningful deal in time to meet Mr. Trump's revised deadline of Aug. 1. But they did expect to be treated as well as their neighbors, and to keep haggling with American officials until October or November, when Mr. Trump was invited to visit India as part of the Quad defense group, which brings together four big democracies — India, the United States, Japan and Australia — with a shared interest in standing up to China. Instead, they were fed a heap of insults and injuries. Along with the 25 percent rate, one of the highest in Asia and only a point lower than what was threatened on Liberation Day in April, India was informed that its existing trade barriers are 'strenuous and obnoxious'; it will be charged an untold penalty for buying Russian oil; it is a 'dead economy.' It's archrival Pakistan was praised and promised an oil-exploration deal. Hurt feelings aside, the results are confusing. Two of the biggest categories of exports to the United States from India are personal electronics, worth about $14 billion a year, and pharmaceuticals, worth $10 billion. Rajesh Sharma, executive director of India Cellular and Electronics Association, said smartphones were exempted from these tariffs; so did executives at pharmaceutical companies. But on Friday, after reading the executive order, the Global Trade Research Initiative in New Delhi concluded the opposite. India's stock markets dipped on the news for two days running. Indian and international banks wrote notices warning that the country's generally hard-charging economic growth is likely to slow measurably as a result of the tariffs. Then there are the unknown tariffs. On July 6, Mr. Trump wrote that countries aligned with the BRICS group, of which India is a founding member, would incur an additional 10 percent penalty. Then on July 14, he said that, if Russia didn't make peace with Ukraine within 50 days, he would punish its trading partners with 'secondary tariffs' of 100 percent. That figure is making Indians worry anew. Mr. Trump added 'plus a penalty' to the 25 percent rate imposed on India, for buying Russian oil and weapons. Shashi Tharoor, a prominent member of the opposition, spoke to an Indian news agency about the possible impact. 'There's even talk of a 100 percent penalty,' he said, 'which will destroy our trade with America.' There is evidence that Indian buyers of Russian oil were already pulling back before the executive order. 'Indian refiners have reduced Russian crude purchases this week,' said Sumit Ritolia, an analyst at Kpler, which tracks shipping and commodities. They were already 'looking to further diversify, amid rising concerns over potential U.S. sanctions,' having spent years taking advantage of discounted Russian oil to reduce their imports from the Persian Gulf. Reducing the United States' trade deficit is one of the Trump administration's goals, so convincing India to buy more American oil and gas would make sense. Last year, India exported $45.7 billion more goods to the United States than it imported. It spent about three times as much importing oil. If a third of that were redirected to American sources, their bilateral trade would be evened out. Mr. Trump's angry barrage of social media has complicated further negotiations. The breakdown of trust between Narendra Modi, India's prime minister, and whom he called his 'true friend,' Mr. Trump, is likely to make it harder to complete any deal, analysts say. Indian news outlets have reported that Mr. Trump wanted to iron out some outstanding issues, after four rounds of direct talks between the two sides, in a phone call with Mr. Modi. The Indian government was anxious to avoid any of his last-minute surprises. The U.S. commerce secretary accused India of 'slow-rolling' its trade negotiations. Indian officials and analysts say the friction is caused by a fundamental difference of approach. Mr. Trump has a penchant for quick, top-down deal-making. India's bureaucracy moves at a methodical pace, especially when it comes to opening up the agriculture market, which is politically sensitive. India's recently concluded trade deal with Britain took three years of talks, under two different British prime ministers. On Friday, India's foreign ministry released a statement that put on a brave face. 'India and the United States share a Comprehensive Global Strategic Partnership,' established in 2013 between President Barack Obama and then Prime Minister Manmohan Singh, 'anchored in shared interests, democratic values and robust people-to-people ties.' The ministry stuck to principles, revealing no plan for breaking through Mr. Trump's hard line. 'This partnership has weathered several transitions and challenges,' the statement said. 'We remain focused on the substantive agenda that our two countries have committed to and are confident that the relationship will continue to move forward.' Rebecca Elliott , Mujib Mashal and Hari Kumar contributed reporting.
UPI
5 hours ago
- UPI
Time to modernize the ROK/U.S. alliance by building on enduring strengths
U.S. soldiers from the 11th Engineer Battalion and 2nd Infantry Combined Division participate in a joint river-crossing exercise with South Korean 5th Corps Engineer Brigade soldiers as part of the Freedom Shield 25 training exercise, in Yeoncheon, Gyeonggi province, South Korea, in March. File photo by Eon Heon-Kyun/EPA Aug. 1 (UPI) -- For more than 70 years, the Republic of Korea-United States alliance has not only prevented a resumption of war on the peninsula, but has also deterred the use of nuclear weapons for two decades. This is a historic achievement, but the case for U.S. troops in Korea is fundamentally about the future, not the past. To secure American interests in a rapidly changing Asia-Indo-Pacific, and to ensure continued stability, prosperity and influence, the United States. requires a strong, forward-stationed military presence on the Korean Peninsula. Enduring deterrence and strategic purpose The ROK/U.S. alliance has been the linchpin of peace in Northeast Asia, succeeding where most alliances do not. This partnership endures because it has adapted to strategic realities and consistently served both nations' interests. Its forward presence is not simply about defending against a North Korean invasion, but also about shaping a regional security environment favorable to U.S. values and interests, promoting economic prosperity and deterring any form of aggression, be it from North Korea, China or elsewhere. Mutual Defense Treaty: A vision beyond North Korea The drafters of the Mutual Defense Treaty between the United States and the ROK displayed remarkable prescience. Article II commits both nations to "maintain and develop appropriate means to deter armed attack and take suitable measures in consultation and agreement to implement this Treaty and further its purposes." Notably, the treaty never explicitly mentions North Korea. Article III identifies a broader purpose: countering threats "in the Pacific area," making clear that the alliance is not just a relic of the Korean War, but rather a platform for ensuring regional security against any emerging threats. This language anchors the ROK/U.S. alliance in the enduring goal of collective defense against any attack in the Pacific, cementing the alliance's relevance for the future. The alliance in a complex strategic environment Today's Asia-Indo-Pacific region is marked by growing authoritarian revisionism, nuclear proliferation, gray-zone provocations and intensified economic competition. China's military expansion, the Russia-North Korea partnership and advances in North Korea's missile and nuclear capabilities compound these risks. In this environment, there is no viable alternative to a credible, forward U.S. presence. Offshore balancing or periodic engagement cannot substitute for the trust, interoperability and regional deterrence built through continual partnership and presence. The ROK/U.S. alliance amplifies U.S. power far beyond Korea. It enables stability and prosperity vital to global supply chains, supports U.S. influence in multilateral settings and strengthens the broader network of American alliances essential for balancing emerging powers. The alliance also upholds democratic values, reinforcing a liberal international order in the face of authoritarian challenges. A model of democratic partnership South Korea is no longer solely a beneficiary of U.S. protection. It is a global pivotal state, aligned with the United States in securing a free, open and prosperous Asia-Indo-Pacific. The alliance is global and comprehensive, allowing the two nations to respond together to new threats, support international norms and contribute to peacekeeping and humanitarian missions. South Korea is a major partner in the arsenal of democracies. Sustaining success: Forward presence as future insurance The U.S. military presence in Korea is not a relic of the past. It is an investment in a stable and prosperous future. The alternative, as history teaches, is to invite misunderstanding and aggression. Weakness and retrenchment do not purchase peace; they embolden adversaries and undermine American interests. The credibility and commitment provided by U.S. forces on the peninsula deter not only conventional and nuclear threats from the North, but also coercive efforts by regional powers to rewrite the geopolitical order. For American readers skeptical of overseas presence, the record is clear: the ROK/U.S. alliance delivers outsized returns for peace and prosperity at home, supporting regional stability that underpins global economic growth and safeguards U.S. security interests for the next generation. Conclusion We must not look backward, resting on laurels earned in decades past. The United States does not maintain troops in Korea out of nostalgia, but to build a future where American interests and values continue to shape the region. The pathway to peace and prosperity in the Asia-Indo-Pacific is through a robust, modernized alliance, anchored by a steadfast U.S. presence that protects not only the Korean Peninsula, but also the interests of America and the free world. Let's build on success rather than set up for future failure. Katchi Kapshida-We Go Together. David Maxwell is a retired U.S. Army Special Forces colonel who has spent more than 30 years in the Asia Pacific region. He specializes in Northeast Asian security affairs and irregular, unconventional and political warfare. He is vice president of the Center for Asia Pacific Strategy and a senior fellow at the Global Peace Foundation. After he retired, he became associate director of the Security Studies Program at Georgetown University. He is on the board of directors of the Committee for Human Rights in North Korea and the OSS Society and is the editor at large for the Small Wars Journal.
