Organisers cancel Khuti Pujas
Kolkata: Two major Durga Puja committees in the city —
Chorebagan Sarbojanin
in the north and
Santoshpur Lakepally
in the south — have cancelled their
Khuti Puja
scheduled this Sunday due to the current war situation. Rasbehari's 66 Pally Durga Puja has decided to proceed with their platinum jubilee year Khunti Puja but scaled down the celebrations.
"It is not the time to celebrate when people residing in the border areas are getting killed everyday. We should support the Indian Army," said Jayanta Banerjee, puja convenor of Chorebagan Sarbojanin Durgoutsav Samity."If the situation gets better then we will plan the Khuti Puja in June, on the day of Ratha Yatra," said Somnath Das, senior executive member of Santoshpur Lakepally Durga Puja.
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Business Standard
14 hours ago
- Business Standard
Puri temple panel urges ISKCON not to violate Rath Yatra traditions
Shree Jagannath Temple Managing Committee in Odisha's Puri has written to the ISKCON, urging it to ensure that Lord Jagannath's ceremonial bathing rituals and the Rath Yatra across the world are performed on the specific date sanctioned by scriptures and not to violate traditions. Gajapati Maharaja Dibyasingha Deb of Puri, the chairman of the committee, expressed displeasure over some of the ISKCON temples across the world performing the sacred bathing rituals ('Snana Yatra') and the Rath Yatra on various dates, and alleged that such practices "violate the scriptures and the Hindu calendar". In a letter to Shree Govardhan Das Prabhu, chairman of ISKCON Governing Body Commission, Mayapur, Deb said, I request your good self to ensure that no ISKCON temple or centre anywhere in the world performs the 'Snana Yatra' or 'Ratha Yatra' of Lord Shree Jagannath on a date/tithi not sanctioned by scriptures and traditions." Deb also claimed that the temples of the ISKCON authorities outside India are "celebrating the 'Snana Yatra' (bathing rituals) and the Rath Yatra of Lord Shree Jagannath on dates/'tithis' not sanctioned in our sacred scriptures". He also attached documents of some of the announcements in this regard posted by ISKCON temples. He pointed out that such deviations are being made by ISKCON temples in New York City, in Calgary and in Leicester. In his letter, Deb mentioned that "learned scholars of Shree Jagannatha Temple Administration (Puri) have thoroughly scrutinised the views put forward by ISKCON scholars at the meeting held at Bhubaneswar on March 20, 2025." The scholars had reiterated their definite and firm conclusion that 'Snana Yatra' was to be celebrated only on Jyestha Poornima Tithi (that is, June 11 this year), while Ratha-yatra (that is, Gundicha Yatra and Bahuda Yatra) would be performed only within the auspicious nine days from Asadha Shukla-paksha Dwitiya Tithi (that is, June 27 this year) to Asadha Shukla-paksha Dashami Tithi (that is, July 5 this year)", the letter mentioned. Performance of these most sacred yatras of the Lord Jagannath on any other tithi/date will be a violation of our sacred scriptures and ancient traditions, the titular king of Puri said. In the letter to the ISKCON authorities, Deb, who is the first servitor of Lord Jagannath, also said, "The detailed explanations in this matter submitted by our scholars will be sent to you shortly. (Only the headline and picture of this report may have been reworked by the Business Standard staff; the rest of the content is auto-generated from a syndicated feed.)
The Hindu
2 days ago
- The Hindu
Operation Sindoor and the Battle for Bengal: Modi vs Mamata in Early 2026 Poll Push
Published : Jun 14, 2025 14:28 IST - 8 MINS READ The election fever seems to have hit West Bengal earlier than usual this year. With close to a year remaining before the 2026 Assembly election, Prime Minister Narendra Modi's recent public rally in north Bengal and the subsequent reaction by West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee have kick-started preparations for the battle for Bengal, setting the tone for upcoming electoral campaigns in the State. Apart from the usual issues of corruption, misrule, law and order, and politics of appeasement, the main opposition Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has now brought new weapons to its arsenal to take on the ruling Trinamool Congress—Operation Sindoor, 'Vikshit Bharat' (Developed India), and the attacks on Hindus in West Bengal's Murshidabad district during recent anti-Waqf Act protests. On May 29, while Trinamool Lok Sabha MP and party general secretary Abhishek Banerjee was garnering support for India against Pakistan as part of an all-party delegation for India's global outreach on Operation Sindoor, Prime Minister Narendra Modi launched a scathing attack on the Trinamool government while addressing a public rally in Alipurduar district in north Bengal. Though still very early to launch an electoral campaign for the Assembly election, Modi's speech left little doubt that the BJP had shifted into election gear. While he attacked Mamata Banerjee's government on familiar issues—corruption, the School Service Commission recruitment scam that resulted in more than 25,000 teachers losing their jobs, misrule, law and order, and alleged appeasement politics—the subjects that took centre stage were the success of Operation Sindoor and the promise of 'Vikshit Bharat' by 2047. Also Read | Mamata Banerjee's corruption crackdown: Calculated move or genuine reform? Referring to the Durga Puja tradition of 'Sindoor khela' (where married women apply vermilion on each other on the last day of Durga Puja), Modi said, 'I have come to the land that celebrates Sindoor Khela... People of Bengal were very angry after the terror attack in Pahalgam, and I could understand your anger. The terrorists wiped out our sisters' sindoor, but soldiers taught them the power of sindoor.' He said that Pakistan, which indulges in 'terror tactics' after failing in battle, has been made to understand that there is a 'price to pay' for a terror strike. In the same rally, BJP State president and junior Union Minister Sukanta Majumdar spoke of his party carrying out 'Operation Bengal' in the coming days. 'I can see thousands of workers in front of me, and they will carry out 'Operation Bengal' like 'Operation Sindoor'. They will uproot the government from this State and throw it into the Bay of Bengal,' Majumdar said. It soon became clear that Operation Sindoor would be central to the Bengal election campaign when Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee reacted with her customary belligerence and attacked the Prime Minister for using military action against Pakistan as an election tool. 'Pahalgam and Operation Sindoor have become election issues that are being brought up in rallies... Why haven't the terrorists responsible for wiping the sindoor from the women been arrested yet? They are playing politics with a serious issue, and that is unacceptable,' Mamata said soon after Modi's speech. Launching a personal attack on Modi, she said, 'First he was a tea seller, then a chowkidar, and now he is selling sindoor... You are not the husband of everybody. Why don't you give sindoor to your missus first? Sorry to say. I should not go into all these matters. But you compel us in the name of Operation Sindoor (when your party men refer to) Operation Bengal. You compel us to open our mouths.' She challenged Modi to announce an early election. 'If you have the power, then hold the elections tomorrow itself. Bengal will never fall into the hands of the BJP,' she said, refuting the Prime Minister's allegations. Two days later, Union Home Minister Amit Shah, while addressing a party workers' meeting in Kolkata on June 1, alleged that Mamata Banerjee was opposed to Operation Sindoor in line with her politics of Muslim appeasement. Politics over Operation Sindoor intensified further when on June 10, the West Bengal Assembly unanimously passed a resolution lauding the Indian armed forces in their recent battle with Pakistan. 'This house commends the coordinated efforts of the different wings of the Indian Armed Forces in targeting with absolute precision and destroying major terrorist infrastructure in Pakistan and Pakistan-occupied Kashmir (PoK), and places on record its gratitude and appreciation for their relentless efforts in protecting the pride and dignity of the nation,' the resolution read. However, Mamata also came down heavily on the Union government for failing to pre-empt the terror strike in Pahalgam, not apprehending the perpetrators, missing the 'opportunity' to capture PoK, and failing to prevent Pakistan from getting the International Monetary Fund (IMF) loan. The BJP countered by pointing out that the term Operation Sindoor was conspicuously absent. Labelling it as an attempt to deliberately undermine the armed forces' operation, Leader of the Opposition, BJP's Suvendu Adhikari said, 'Why is there an objection to the word 'Sindoor' in the proposal? Why is the name missing?' Days before the resolution was passed, Trinamool MLA Narendranath Chakraborty from Pandaveswar in Paschim Bardhaman stirred controversy when he claimed that Operation Sindoor was a 'pre-planned drama, a game in the name of war.' Political observers have pointed out that the issue of conflict with Pakistan has repeatedly served the BJP well in both State and union elections; this time too, the saffron party intends to make full political use of the strikes against Pakistan following the Pahalgam terror attack. Veteran political observer Biswajit Bhattacharya noted, 'While the BJP hopes that Operation Sindoor will work as a key factor in the West Bengal election, its more immediate concern is the Bihar Assembly election. By raising the issue of Operation Sindoor so early in Bengal, the BJP is killing two birds with one stone—it is going for a head start in campaigning here, and it is also addressing the substantial number of voters from Bihar who work in Bengal and return to the State during elections. Also, conflict with Pakistan has played a key role in several of BJP's electoral triumphs—be it the Uri surgical strike in 2016 or the Balakot airstrike in 2019. However, in 2024, they did not get the same results with the Ram Mandir issue. So, the BJP is banking on Operation Sindoor this time.' Communal disharmony The BJP also hopes to capitalise on growing polarisation along communal lines, particularly after the flare-up in Murshidabad, where Hindus, who are a minority in the district, were attacked during anti-Waqf Act protests across the State. Calling Mamata's government a 'nirmamata' (lacking in sympathy) government, Modi said, 'In the name of appeasement, lawlessness was allowed free sway (in Murshidabad and Malda). Imagine the horror when members of the ruling party, including an MLA, identified and burned down houses of people and the police stood by watching… Can a government continue in this fashion?' Mamata stuck to her party's claim that the communal flare-up was the BJP's doing. 'What happened at Malda and Murshidabad was done by the BJP. The BJP is an expert in starting riots, and I can provide documentation and evidence of that. Bengal has a humane government, while Modi's is a corrupt government,' she said. However, a three-member fact-finding committee set up by the Calcutta High Court to investigate the Murshidabad riots mentioned in its report that local Trinamool leaders, including an MLA, were indeed present at the site of the violence. Also Read | BJP's Bengal blues According to psephologist Biswanath Chakraborty, though still quite early, the agenda for the coming election in Bengal has already been set. 'Modi has set the agenda for the 2026 Assembly election in the State. Alongside the issues of misgovernance and corruption, he has introduced two new aspects—the issue of nationalism, riding on Operation Sindoor; and the vision of Vikshit Bharat by 2047. The point he made was that when India is aiming to become a developed nation by 2047, West Bengal cannot afford to be left behind, and Mamata has failed to develop the State. At the same time, we can also expect that Hindutva politics will be projected in a huge way, particularly with reference to the Murshidabad riots,' he told Frontline. For all the issues at the BJP's disposal against the ruling party, the saffron party is still trailing a very distant second behind Trinamool when it comes to political influence in the State. Its organisation remains much to be desired, and even in its stronghold of north Bengal, it is losing ground. In fact, just two weeks before Modi's public rally in Alipurduar, former BJP MP and Union Minister John Barla, one of the most influential tribal leaders from the tea gardens of the region, joined Trinamool, claiming that the BJP had done little for the development of north Bengal. Moreover, even as Modi and Mamata exchange barbs, the argument that there exists a 'secret understanding' between the BJP at the Centre and its erstwhile ally, the Trinamool, continues to gain strength in the State. The apparent foot-dragging by central investigating agencies in probes against the Trinamool, and the latter's perceived cooperation with the Centre behind a mask of animosity in Parliament, are not the only justifications for such suspicion. A week before Modi visited the State, former BJP State president Tathagata Roy himself had hinted at the possibility of a 'setting' between the Centre and the State in a social media post. He had, of course, clarified that he was not 'certain' about the existence of such an understanding. The coming days may perhaps shed more light on it.
The Wire
5 days ago
- The Wire
What Happens When Opposition Parties Subscribe to Hindutva?
Menu हिंदी తెలుగు اردو Home Politics Economy World Security Law Science Society Culture Editor's Pick Opinion Support independent journalism. Donate Now Politics What Happens When Opposition Parties Subscribe to Hindutva? Suman Nath 6 minutes ago Their strategies risk diluting ideological clarity and alienating minorities, and underscore the enduring tension between electoral pragmatism and ideological purity in an RSS-BJP-dominated political landscape. From left, Arvind Kejriwal, Uddhav Thackeray, Mamata Banerjee and Rahul Gandhi. Photos: Official X accounts. Real journalism holds power accountable Since 2015, The Wire has done just that. But we can continue only with your support. Contribute now The Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) has profoundly influenced India's public sphere by integrating marginalised communities into its Hindutva narrative. This is not merely an electoral strategy but a long-term social reconstruction project. Far from being static, the RSS employs technology and a language of inclusivity, compelling opposition leaders like Mamata Banerjee, Arvind Kejriwal, Uddhav Thackeray, and Rahul Gandhi to adopt elements of Hindutva to suit regional, electoral, and ideological needs, while balancing their secular credentials. Mamata Banerjee Mamata Banerjee, leader of the Trinamool Congress (TMC), practices a 'soft Hindutva' to counter the Bharatiya Janata Party's (BJP) aggressive Hindu nationalism while preserving her secular image. Her approach is rooted in Bengali cultural identity, particularly through prioritising and promoting Durga Puja by funding clubs, organising a carnival, and substantially supporting local fairs and festivals – positioning her as a defender of Bengali culture in contrast to the 'outsider' narrative spun against the BJP. During the 2021 West Bengal elections, she recited the Chandi Path, visited temples, and patronised lesser-known festivals to gain grassroots legitimacy. Unlike the BJP's confrontational Hindutva, Mamata blends Hindu symbolism with secular rhetoric, visiting both temples and mosques to avoid alienating minority voters. She countered the BJP's 'Jai Shri Ram' slogans by emphasising Bengal's Durga worship tradition, even linking it to the deity Ram. After the 2019 Lok Sabha election losses, the TMC organised Brahmin meets, announced allowances to Sanatan Brahmins, and continued supporting Durga Puja committees, all to appeal to Hindu voters, without alienating her Muslim base, for whom she announced a stipend for Imams. This strategic balancing act helped neutralise the BJP's claim that she leans towards Muslims, and contributed to TMC's decisive 2021 victory. The construction of the Jagannath temple in Digha, located in opposition leader Suvendu Adhikari's stronghold, further exemplifies her culturally diverse and inclusive Hindutva. Critics, including BJP leaders, call this 'adulterated' Hindutva, and her approach risks alienating Muslim voters – though her inclusive rhetoric has largely mitigated this. Arvind Kejriwal Arvind Kejriwal of the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) has adopted soft Hindutva since 2019 to expand beyond the party's anti-corruption and governance roots, aiming to neutralise the BJP's monopoly over Hindu voters while maintaining a secular image. His public displays of Hindu devotion include reciting the Hanuman Chalisa, visiting temples, and describing himself as a ' Hanuman bhakt.' AAP's schemes – such as free pilgrimages to Ayodhya for seniors and plans to make Uttarakhand a 'global spiritual capital ' – align with Hindu sentiments but lack the BJP's aggressive rhetoric. Kejriwal avoids anti-minority messaging, emphasising constitutional values in AAP's manifestos to solidify his position as an opposition figure. This shift became more pronounced after AAP's defeat in the 2019 Lok Sabha elections in Delhi. Kejriwal's use of Hindu symbolism contributed to AAP regaining ground in the 2020 Delhi assembly elections, decisively defeating the BJP. In states like Gujarat and Punjab, his soft Hindutva, combined with promises of free electricity and education, expanded AAP's footprint, though the party's organisational strength remains limited. Critics note that Kejriwal's silence on issues like the Citizenship Amendment Act has alienated Muslim voters and compromises AAP's secular ethos. The 2025 Delhi result perhaps reflects the cost of this gamble: the BJP, along with the NDA, won 48 seats, and AAP was reduced to 22. His approach lacks the ideological depth of the BJP's Hindutva or the cultural rootedness of Mamata's strategy, reflecting political opportunism more than conviction. Uddhav Thackeray The Shiv Sena, a regional party in Maharashtra, has historically embraced a hardline Hindutva distinct from the BJP's nationalistic version. Under Bal Thackeray, the party was aggressively anti-Muslim and tied to Marathi identity, notably during the 1992 Babri Masjid demolition. Under Uddhav Thackeray, the party has moderated its stance, aligning with secular parties in the Maha Vikas Aghadi (MVA) coalition since 2019. Uddhav's 'inclusive Hindutva' focuses on Marathi pride and Maharashtra-specific Hindu traditions, such as Vitthal worship, rather than anti-minority polarisation. This localised Hindutva, however, is less adaptable outside Maharashtra. The 2019 split, when Eknath Shinde's faction aligned with the BJP, weakened Uddhav's Shiv Sena (UBT). The party now balances its Hindu voter base with its secular allies, diluting its Hindutva narrative. Electoral losses in 2024 and 2025 have forced it to rely more heavily on coalition partners, tempering its rhetoric. Secular allies like the Congress criticise Shiv Sena's Hindutva legacy, while the BJP and Shinde's faction accuse Uddhav of betraying Hindutva, highlighting the party's pragmatic oscillation between hardline and moderate stances. Rahul Gandhi Many feel that Rahul Gandhi, a Congress leader long associated with secularism, adopted soft Hindutva during the 2017 Gujarat assembly elections to counter the BJP's dominance. His temple visits, including to Somnath and Dwarkadhish, and public display of his janeu emphasised his Hindu identity, marking a departure from Congress's minority-focused secularism. This approach aimed to appeal to Gujarat's Hindu majority while also addressing economic concerns such as GST and demonetisation. Rahul balanced this with outreach to Dalits, tribals, and Muslims, maintaining inclusivity. His opposition to the RSS-BJP's divisive Hindutva remained firm, positioning Congress as a defender of constitutional secularism. This tactical pivot improved Congress's performance, yielding 77 seats in 2017 (up from 60 in 2012), though it still fell short of defeating the BJP. After 2017, Rahul reverted to more conventional secular rhetoric, focusing on economic and social justice during his Bharat Jodo Yatra, indicating that his soft Hindutva stance was context-specific. The strategies of Mamata Banerjee, Arvind Kejriwal, Uddhav Thackeray, and Rahul Gandhi reflect the complex interplay between Hindutva and secularism in Indian politics. As the RSS reshapes the public sphere with its adaptive Hindutva, opposition leaders strategically adopt Hindu symbolism to counter the BJP's nationalist narrative. Mamata's culturally rooted approach secured her 2021 victory; Kejriwal's pragmatism aided AAP's 2020 success in Delhi; Uddhav's moderated Hindutva reflects coalition imperatives; and Rahul's tactical temple visits improved Congress's 2017 performance in Gujarat. These strategies risk diluting ideological clarity and alienating minorities, yet they underscore the enduring tension between electoral pragmatism and ideological purity in an RSS-BJP-dominated political landscape. Suman Nath is a political anthropologist and teaches anthropology at Dr. APJ Abdul Kalam Government College, Kolkata. The Wire is now on WhatsApp. Follow our channel for sharp analysis and opinions on the latest developments. Make a contribution to Independent Journalism Related News Rahul Gandhi Points to 'Industrial-Scale Rigging', Alleges EC Role in Maharashtra Assembly Polls Are Election Malpractices Undermining India's Claims of Being 'the World's Biggest Democracy'? 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