High-flyer mums flex their parenting muscle
Many were strangers to each other but the thing that united them was the push to bring in a law to get under-16-year-olds off social media.
Such is the power of the group B416 and their cause that politicians from all corners came along to their launch last month, including Act's David Seymour, who doesn't support a social media ban.
It took place just days after National's Catherine Wedd put forward her Social Media Age-Restricted Users Bill, a private member's bill.
Since the launch, the move has faced criticism of moral panic, overreach and that a ban will risk the lives of vulnerable young people.
But B416, which is co chaired by entrepreneur Cecilia Robinson and includes multi millionaire toy maker Anna Mowbray, says it is time to listen to parents who want to protect their children from social media harm.
Founding member Malindi MacLean, who heads Outward Bound, says a lot of the criticism is from people who are not parents.
'It's really important to keep [in mind] the lived experience of parents. They are day in, day out experiencing the impact of social media addiction, or addictive behaviours of their children.
'A parent who has just been dealing with their teenager who is self harming or has sextortion or dealing with cyber bullying … it's not something that you can argue with.'
Those arguing against a potential law that would force social media giants to use age verification measures on under 16s include retired district court judge, David Harvey; youth mental health activist Jazz Thornton; Victoria University media lecturer Alex Beattie and the online counselling service Youthline.
Judge Harvey says the proposed bill is flawed and could get the Government in trouble with freedom-of-expression laws. There's also a risk it will exclude the likes of YouTube, he says. Thornton believes a blanket ban will cause harm to the most vulnerable children and even lead to deaths, while Beattie argues social media can be a good communication tool for children and parents, and is not an addiction like smoking.
MacLean says she welcomes the debate but her group wants progress. Hence the extensive billboard and social media campaign.
She says the time and resources put into the campaign would be worth hundreds of thousands of dollars. But the influential group has tapped into many communities for contributions and support.
'That just shows the appetite for change. The other thing is we've had a lot of support from organisations pro bono because most of them are human beings who also understand the issues.'
Wedd's bill is in the biscuit tin in Parliament which means it may never see the light of day before the next election. That's not good enough for B416, which wants to see a policy by the end of the year, following Australia's world-first law and trials of the age-verification technology already underway.
Tech expert Danu Abeysuriya of digital firm Rush tells The Detail how the technology could work and why it is important for New Zealand to follow Australia and others.
'We are a small nation and we don't represent a lot of revenue for large tech companies like Google, Facebook or X or Twitter. They focus on social media and to those companies our ad revenue is relatively small.
'Whatever we have to do we should still attempt to be practical otherwise we risk being alienated from those platforms. The balancing act is aligning what we do with what the rest of the world does.'
Abeysuriya says there are a number of age-verification options but one of the simplest would be a digital token bought from the Warehouse, the local petrol station or even the child's school.
Other technology could be used to put children off using social media, such as slowing down internet traffic. In this case the government would mandate Internet Service Providers such as One NZ to run traffic at half speed in specific time periods.
'It creates a bit of friction,' says Abeysuriya. 'If the TikTok video loads really slowly the kids might not watch the TikTok video, they might do something else like read a book.'
He says the solutions are ideas and nothing will be perfect.
'The bravery to move is the thing that needs to happen here.'
Check out how to listen to and follow The Detail here.
You can also stay up-to-date by liking us on Facebook or following us on Twitter.
Hashtags
Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
Newsroom
9 hours ago
- Newsroom
Assisted dying: Thoughts from the front line
Comment: When the End of Life Choice Act 2019 came into effect in November 2021, it marked a profound shift in how we approach death and dying in New Zealand. As researchers and clinicians our team felt a deep responsibility to understand how this new law was unfolding, not from the top down, but from the ground up. That meant listening to the very people who were making it happen: assisted dying practitioners. These are the doctors and nurse practitioners who sit with patients in their final moments, who navigate complex eligibility criteria, and who carry the emotional weight of helping someone die on their own terms. They are the ones who bring the service to life. And yet, before this research, we knew very little about their experiences. Why we did this study The motivation behind this research was simple: to capture what was actually happening in practice. Assisted dying is a new health service in New Zealand, and many practitioners entered it with no roadmap. They were learning as they went, often alone, often unsure, and often deeply moved by the experience. We wanted to understand their journey, not just to document it, but to help improve the service. If there were challenges, we needed to know. If there were moments of beauty and meaning, we needed to honour those too. Ultimately, this study was about making assisted dying safer and more sustainable for everyone involved, including patients, their families, and providers. We used a 'memorable case' approach, inviting 22 assisted dying practitioners to reflect on their experiences during the first 12 months of the Act's implementation. These weren't just clinical accounts, they were deeply personal stories that revealed the emotional, ethical, and logistical complexities of assisted dying. Through thematic analysis, we identified three major themes: 'Knowing', reflecting on practitioners' prior personal and professional experience; 'doing', reflecting on their early assisted dying experiences of delivering this service; and 'being', reflecting on their personal/professional accounts of being an assisted dying provider. These themes helped us understand not just what practitioners did, but how they felt, what they struggled with, and what they learned. What assisted dying practitioners said Let's start with the positives because there were many. Practitioners consistently described the experience as a privilege. Despite the anxiety and emotional intensity, particularly during the first couple of service provision, they felt honoured to be part of something so meaningful. For many, the last words they heard from patients were 'Thank you'. That simple phrase carried immense weight. It affirmed that they were helping to end suffering, honour final wishes, help fulfil autonomy and choice, and offer peace. But there were challenges too, some of which persist today. One major issue is the eligibility criteria, particularly the requirement that a person must be likely to die within six months. This can exclude people who are suffering profoundly but don't meet the strict timeline. Assisted dying practitioners sometimes found themselves in situations where they were challenged to give an exact or accurate prognosis because of the unpredictable nature of many medical conditions. Another challenge is the regulatory prohibition on raising the topic of assisted dying with patients. Practitioners can't initiate the conversation; it must come from the patient. While this protects against coercion, it also means that many people don't even know the option exists. Some practitioners felt torn: they felt ethically challenged by withholding information about the full range of end-of-life care options, but they couldn't say so. Some others accepted the restriction, fearing that even a well-intentioned suggestion could be misinterpreted. Assessing suffering was another complex area. There's no standard guideline or measurement tool, and suffering is deeply subjective, which could confuse patients in the evaluation process. Practitioners had to dig deeper, asking about daily activities, joy, and quality of life to understand the full picture. This subjectivity, however, allowed some room to acknowledge other forms of suffering, including psychological, existential, and spiritual suffering. For some practitioners, this subjectivity was seen as a positive point, allowing patients to determine whether and how they were suffering. Experienced clinicians were often better equipped to do this and acknowledged that assisted dying involves a steep learning curve for junior practitioners. And then there's the stigma. In smaller communities, some practitioners feared backlash from colleagues, neighbours, and even family. Many kept their involvement quiet, worried about judgment or misunderstanding. For some, this secrecy added another layer of emotional strain to an already demanding role and limited their ability to seek support. Finally, we must acknowledge the logistical burden. Most assisted dying practitioners were, and still are, doing this work on top of their regular duties, after hours, on weekends, driven by compassion rather than compensation. Their dedication was extraordinary, but it may not be sustainable without better support. What comes next This study was just the beginning. It gave us a snapshot of the early days, a time of uncertainty, courage, and profound human connection. Since then, some challenges have been addressed, which is encouraging. But others remain, and we must keep listening, learning, and evolving. Assisted dying is not just a legal or medical service; it's a deeply human one. If we want it to succeed, we need to support the people who make it possible. That means clearer guidelines, better training, more public awareness, and a culture that values openness over silence. We are proud of this research and grateful to the practitioners who shared their stories and experiences. Their voices are essential. They remind us that behind every policy is a person and behind every person is a story worth telling.
RNZ News
a day ago
- RNZ News
Another Cabinet minister caught up in United Nations letter-writing saga
Treaty Negotiations Minister Paul Goldsmith. Photo: RNZ / Mark Papalii Another Cabinet minister has been caught up in the United Nations letter-writing imbroglio, with new documents showing David Seymour first ran his response past Paul Goldsmith before he sent it. Seymour, writing as Regulations Minister, fired off a blunt reply to the UN in July that prompted public rebukes from both Prime Minister Christopher Luxon and Foreign Minister Winston Peters for bypassing proper processes. Seymour refused to concede any mistake but agreed to formally withdraw his letter so Peters could issue one on behalf of the full government. New correspondence, released to RNZ under the Official Information Act, reveals Goldsmith, the Treaty Negotiations Minister, had been looped in early on and appeared comfortable with Seymour's approach. On 1 July, two days before the letter went to the UN, one of Seymour's advisors sent a draft to Goldsmith's office. "Attached is the Minister for Regulation's proposed response... He mentioned that we had agreed to run it past your Minister before we sent it off," the email read. "It is a little more direct than what MFAT might draft. Please let me know if your Minister is happy." Goldsmith's office responded the next day, asking for a phone call. By the morning of 3 July, Seymour's advisor emailed him: "Goldie is happy for us to send it. He is going to send his own mild MFAT holding letter on behalf of himself and [Māori Development Minister Tama] Potaka." David Seymour. Photo: RNZ / Mark Papalii Seymour replied: "Ok, great." His letter was sent to the UN that afternoon. In a statement provided to RNZ on Saturday, Goldsmith said: "When asked, I did not object to [Seymour] sending the letter, but when commenting on UN matters, it is the Foreign Minister's views that are relevant, not mine." A spokesperson for Seymour said he had nothing further to add. Emails between Seymour's staff in June canvassed the options for responding to the UN and noted MFAT's preferred approach was a joint reply from "relevant Ministers" Seymour, Goldsmith and Potaka, in line with previous UN communications in 2024. Instead, Peters ultimately issued a government-wide letter on 11 August, striking a softer tone and expressing regret for the "breakdown in protocol". The UN Special Rapporteur on the rights of Indigenous Peoples, Albert K Barume, had raised concerns on 12 June about Seymour's Regulatory Standards Bill, suggesting it failed to recognise Māori traditions or uphold Treaty principles. Seymour's reply branded the critique "presumptive, condescending and wholly misplaced" and "an affront to New Zealand's sovereignty". After news of Seymour's letter broke in July, Luxon told media he agreed with its content but Seymour was wrong to have sent it: "I expect Winston Peters to be the person that engages with the UN." Sign up for Ngā Pitopito Kōrero , a daily newsletter curated by our editors and delivered straight to your inbox every weekday.
NZ Herald
a day ago
- NZ Herald
What will private schools be spending extra Budget money on? David Seymour says he's ‘open' to giving more funding
The multi-million dollar funding boost, announced in Budget 2025, is being driven by Associate Minister of Education David Seymour. He says the amount of money private schools receive has been shrinking, with the last increase to the subsidy coming in 2010. The list of schools receiving the increased subsidy for 2026 will be made available next month by the Ministry of Education. Seymour also says he's 'open' to the idea of the pot growing even more and explains that children at private schools receive around one-tenth of the funding of public-school students. 'Is that fair? Their parents are taxpayers, they're New Zealand citizens, they're entitled to an education. I think in a fair world, that would be higher,' Seymour told the Weekend Herald. St Cuthbert's College principal Charlotte Avery began working at the school in 2024 after moving to New Zealand from England. With a roll of 1650 students, St Cuthbert's College is set to receive an estimated $1.6 million subsidy from the Government. The amount has increased by $160,000 on the previous per-student rate. Principal Charlotte Avery, who took on the leader's role at St Cuthbert's last year after shifting from a prestigious private girls' school in Cambridge, England, says in real terms the subsidy isn't a large payment at a $100 increase per student. 'We are grateful of course for that recognition, but in the end it's a very small part of supplementing our fee income,' Avery says. 'We recognise that we are a school of privilege – privilege is not a dirty word but it is important in terms of recognising responsibility.' Prime Minister Christopher Luxon (left) and Associate Education Minister David Seymour, who says families are often making big sacrifices to pay independent school fees. Photo / Mark Mitchell At co-educational private school Scots College in Wellington, headmaster Graeme Yule says the funding increase is 'well overdue'. He also argues it shouldn't become an ideological debate. 'It's much, much easier to cry elitism and to cry inequality but the facts don't match that, the finances are different,' Yule says. 'There will always be a perception in this that the Government's robbing the poor state schools and giving the money to the rich independent schools ... but we receive around $40 million in government subsidy and we pay GST on fees to the Government of around $150 million.' That tax on fees, Yule says, can be invested back into the state sector to support public school students. Public versus private school funding Post Primary Teachers' Association (PPTA) president Chris Abercrombie, however, sees another reason for the Government making this decision. 'Well, David Seymour's [Epsom] electorate has a lot of private schools in it,' Abercrombie says. In Abercrombie's view, the Government's focus should be firmly on supporting the public education system, and if parents choose to send their child to a private school then the state shouldn't subsidise that decision. 'We don't support private schools getting any subsidy at all, let alone an increased subsidy,' he says. A view of St Cuthbert's College in central Auckland. The private school is one of New Zealand's best-performing for academic results. Photo / NZME Figures provided by the Ministry of Education reveal the subsidy for Years 1-6 at private schools will be rising to $1016 per student – a 20% increase. That amount has increased by $167 per student. Older students from Years 11-13 will receive $1918 per student - an increase of just 6%. Subsidy rates will not be recalculated each year but will be treated like other state school resourcing, with adjustments made for the number of students on private school rolls. But Seymour says his decision hasn't been influenced by private schools in his electorate, one of the country's wealthiest, and the PPTA is 'just flinging mud'. In comparison, figures given to the Herald by Seymour's office reveal the amount for Years 1-6 at state schools is $7648 per student annually, while the funding for secondary schools in the state system is $9853 per student. Funding cuts to public schools At a small Porirua school nestled in native bush on the edge of Cannons Creek, principal Lynda Knight says she has been facing a list of government funding reductions during the last six months. The school's funding has been cut for its Reading Recovery programme, Pasifika Early Literacy Project and the Pacific Education Innovation Fund. Funding has also been cut to Regionally Allocated Professional Learning and Development and te reo Māori training for teachers, so the school can no longer acquire these supports. And there is no longer access to Resource Teachers of Literacy and Māori. They have also lost a whānau liaison support worker role that was funded by Oranga Tamariki. Knight says the school, with just 110 primary-age students, can't hold big parent and community fundraisers as some affluent areas can, and any fundraising initiatives only bring in small amounts of money. 'I think we're increasing that disparity if we're increasing the funding [for private schools]; we must be decreasing the amount of money for public schools like mine,' she says. Abercrombie says disparities between public and private schools are creating a growing divide between the 'haves and have-nots'. Differences in the resources available to schools are exacerbating inequity across the education system, he says. 'State schools are facing that same cost pressure, their power's gone up and the price of toilet paper – they're hurting as well. But they don't have the ability to just increase their fees and tap into other sources of income that private schools do.' What the money will be used for? In Wellington, Yule says the private school subsidy is going to be used to keep fees as low as possible at Scots College and increase accessibility for the school. It will also go towards running costs. Dilworth School in central Auckland is receiving the subsidy but because of its unique position with every student funded fully through a scholarship, the funds will be used elsewhere. Dilworth School in Epsom, Auckland provides full scholarships to its students. Photo / Dean Purcell The money at the boys' boarding school, headmaster Dan Reddiex says, will instead go towards offsetting the cost of food for students, investing in teachers, driving academic results and funding extracurricular activities such as sending their premier choir Fortissimo to the Big Sing Finale in Dunedin. The school's whānau community is not typically in a position to fully fund school trips, he says. 'We provide seven meals a day for our students and inflation has hit hard in this area.' Meanwhile, Avery says the subsidy will support a range of ongoing projects at St Cuthbert's College. These include enhancing its suite of facilities, improving flood resistance in the school's buildings and paying teachers and staff members' salaries. It will also contribute to improving its outdoor campus – Kahunui – in the Bay of Plenty, a place where Year 10 students travel to attend a month-long school camp that embraces off-the-grid learning. At Knight's school in Porirua, Year 6 students used to travel to El Rancho in Waikanae – 45 minutes up the road – for a two-night camp. However, now that community funding is unavailable, the future of camps for their senior students is uncertain. In a community where family holidays are a rarity, Knight says pupils leaving often comment that school camp is their favourite memory from school. Growing waitlists for private schools As Auckland grows, St Cuthbert's College has been experiencing higher demand for places on its school roll and has waiting lists for prospective students. Scots College has also been facing similar pressure, with headmaster Yule noticing parents are being propelled to private schools by their feeling of unease in the current state system. 'The issues with literacy and numeracy, open-plan classes and the dissatisfaction with NCEA and so forth, I think, have driven a number of people towards considering independent schooling.' At Dilworth, Reddiex says demand for places has also increased significantly within the past two years, with scholarship places being highly competitive. Avery says the subsidy is a recognition of the role independent schools play in educating a percentage of the Kiwi population, which takes the financial pressure off the rest of the education system. Similarly, Seymour says private school students suddenly flooding into the state sector would create an enormous cost for the Government. 'This whole debate to me says something about where we are and where we could be as a country. What you've got is a small group – about 4% of children and their parents and grandparents – often making big sacrifices to pay independent school fees because in their view, that's a better future for them,' he says. 'Rather kind of sneering, resentful tone, we should say, 'okay, that's a choice people make', I may or may not make it for myself, but we should be happy for other people. 'Those people are actually saving the taxpayer a lot of money.' In Porirua, Knight believes the $160,000 increase St Cuthbert's College is receiving could make 'a world of difference' at her small school. She says the money would go towards funding two more teachers or more teacher aide support. Eva de Jong is a New Zealand Herald reporter covering general news for the daily newspaper, Weekend Herald and Herald on Sunday. She was previously a multimedia journalist for the Whanganui Chronicle, covering health stories and general news. Sign up to The Daily H, a free newsletter curated by our editors and delivered straight to your inbox every weekday.
