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The National
5 hours ago
- The National
Fate of Beirut heritage buildings damaged in port blast remains uncertain five years on
Five years ago, the Port of Beirut blast tore through the Lebanese capital, destroying lives, livelihoods and homes. Fatalities, injuries and trauma aside, the tragedy also played out through the crumbling remains of about 650 heritage and culturally significant buildings, as the explosion's shockwave ripped through the city's historic districts. Now a national day of mourning, August 4 has looked different each year since the catastrophe, as people slowly try to piece their lives back together. Directly after the blast, the world came together to help rebuild, including a host of heritage NGOs that took on the monumental task of restoring and safeguarding the stunning Ottoman and French Mandate buildings. However, the once-strong restoration efforts – funded by private donations and a few international NGOs and other institutions – have stalled in recent years. Funding has dried up and new catastrophes occupy people's minds. After almost two years of watching a horrifying genocide in Gaza, and Lebanon's own suffering under Israeli bombardment in late 2024, this year's port blast anniversary feels different. The victim's families still strive for justice, but the recent war's destruction is a more pressing concern for the rest of the populace. According to NGO Beirut Heritage Initiative (BHI), which formed in the wake of the blast, about 60 per cent of the damaged heritage buildings were restored through non-profit efforts, but the remaining 40 per cent sit in limbo with the work halted. 'After the blast, there was great mobilisation from NGOs and individuals to restore the heritage and even the contemporary buildings that were destroyed,' BHI member Yasmine Dagher tells The National. 'The reconstruction efforts lasted for about two and a half years. Starting February 2022, with the war in Ukraine, funding started to decline. 'In October 2023, with the war in Gaza, a lot of funding went there for humanitarian efforts, so now heritage is not a priority any more,' she adds. 'Of the 40 per cent remaining unrestored, approximately 15 per cent were inhabited prior to the blast, but are now so damaged that they need a huge budget to restore them.' One such building that still resembles a dilapidated, blown-out shell is an Ottoman site in upper Gemmayzeh – once a stone-clad two-storey with beautiful archways – that completely collapsed. The location swept headlines when a Chilean rescue team detected possible signs of life under the rubble a month after the explosion, as the country held its breath for a potential survivor. Ultimately, none was found, and the destroyed building sits as an eerie reminder of those 72 hours, unlikely to be rebuilt any time soon. Some people chose to restore their homes and businesses privately after funds dwindled, doing repair work over the years or restoring a floor or two to use but leaving the rest for another day. Larger projects including some churches and Sursock Palace have been hosting fundraising events or renting out the gardens as a wedding venue to pay for restoration. Other owners are not interested in restoring due to the costs, and prefer to demolish the remains to start anew. 'Of the unrestored buildings, 25 per cent were uninhabited prior to the blast, which is a big number, and already about a third of those buildings have been destroyed since,' Dagher says. 'In September 2020, the Directorate General of Antiquities passed Law 194, which obliged owners to not destroy or sell their heritage buildings, and this law was active for a period of two years. 'After 2022, a lot of destruction permits were given. About 10 buildings were partially or fully destroyed in Gemmayzeh and Mar Mikhael,' she adds. 'A lot of buildings in Zokak el Blat, Bachoura and Achrafieh are also being destroyed, but they are not in the spotlight simply because they're not in the zone that was affected the most.' Dagher says one of most positive outcomes has been the encouragement of thinking outside the box. By partnering with institutions such as the British Council, she has managed to run on-site training sessions for foreign student restorers and craftspeople, giving them a chance to learn firsthand whilst restoring damaged structures. Another post-blast NGO, Together Li Beirut, says that funding is only half the battle. Inefficient legal protection for heritage buildings and a lack of government strategy on restoration makes it difficult to move forward when small NGOs are unable to pick up the slack. 'We haven't had any clear national strategy on this and, given the challenges of the government and incapacity to pull efforts and funds, the restoration has been a difficult process,' Together Li Beirut's programme coordinator Soha Karam says. 'It is important to protect these buildings from demolition by any real estate development, but it's equally important to rehabilitate them so they have a social and economic impact. 'We can't just restore buildings and leave them without purpose. Heritage is a long-term thing and should be preserved for generations to come,' she adds. 'Strategically, we need to think of how we give them another life, for them to be economically sustainable; for it to make sense to restore them.' Despite the cultural significance of Lebanon's architecture, the only law that protects heritage structures is from 1933, officially classifying only those sites built before the 1700s as 'heritage'. While some additions to the protected lists were made – such as religious sites and a few grand mansions – the language and criteria on anything built post the 18th century is vague. This situation leaves many of Beirut's stunning Ottoman, French Mandate and Modernist architecture at the mercy of legal loopholes. Even as volunteer organisations work to restore blast-damaged properties, like many things in Lebanon, as new crises take over, older ones are left forgotten.
The National
a day ago
- The National
Hunger and heartbreak as families struggle to survive war in Gaza
Every morning, 13-year-old Mahmoud Al Mahalawi wakes up in a tent pitched beside the rubble of his family's home in the Al Saftawi neighbourhood of Gaza. Before the war, the summer months meant school holidays and time to play. Now, he says, his days revolve around 'looking for ways to keep me and my family alive'. 'I start my day thinking where I should go first, to find some water or stand in line at the tikkia [charity kitchen] so I can bring food home for my brothers,' Mahmoud told The National. He shares the responsibility for his family's survival with his father, who works whenever he can find a job. Together, they try to scrape together enough for their basic needs amid famine-like conditions created by Israeli restrictions on the entry of aid. Desperate crowds often swarm the few aid lorries allowed to enter Gaza, while hundreds of people have been killed by Israeli forces near the few food distribution sites run by the US and Israel-backed Gaza Humanitarian Foundation. 'I've thought more than once about chasing down the aid trucks or going to the American aid centre just to get food for my family,' Mahmoud says. 'But my parents always say no. They're afraid something will happen to me.' Gazan family's relief after receiving food aid As with most families in Gaza nowadays, anything beyond basic necessities, even fruit, is out of reach because of prices inflated by scarcity and siege. Small quantities of mangoes and bananas that appeared in the markets on Monday were being sold at 200 shekels (more than $50) for 1kg of mangoes and 17 shekels for a banana. 'Sometimes I see fruit and wish I could have some. But I'd never ask my father. He can barely afford to buy us flour, let alone fruit,' Mahmoud says. 'Sometimes I feel like I just want to die. No one really feels our pain. I'm a child, just like children anywhere in the world. I should be in a summer camp, playing football, swimming – not standing in line for water or food, not living in a tent.' Like many parents in Gaza, Mohammed Abu Asr, 41, is fighting not just hunger but heartbreak. Displaced by the war from Jabalia refugee camp, he now lives in a makeshift home with his wife and four children – two boys and two girls aged between three and 15 – in the Sheikh Radwan neighbourhood. 'Yesterday, I told my kids not to leave the house, not because of danger, but because I didn't want them to see the fruit being sold outside,' he told The National. 'If they asked me to buy some, I wouldn't be able to. I can't even meet their basic needs, like bread and flour.' However, his children saw photos on Facebook of fruit arriving in Gaza and rushed to him saying, 'Dad, the fruit is here! Please buy us some', he says. 'Honestly, the feeling of helplessness was unbearable. There's no income. And even if there were, how could I justify paying such a huge amount just for fruit when we don't have food?' For Ilham Al Asi, 38, who lost her husband in an air strike last year, the burden of survival rests on her two young sons – Ibrahim, 14, and Yahya, 10. 'I have no one in this life but my children,' Ms Al Asi told The National. 'They're the ones doing everything they can to help us survive.' Each day, Ibrahim ventures out from their home in Al Tuffah to collect firewood from bombed buildings, risking injury or worse, so his mother can cook, if there is food or flour to prepare. Yahya, meanwhile, stands in line at a charity kitchen for up to five hours each day to bring home a pot of food. 'Sometimes he leaves at nine in the morning and doesn't come back until three in the afternoon,' Ms Al Asi says. 'And what he brings back isn't even enough for two people.' She says Yahya once suffered a head injury during a crush at the food kitchen. 'We had to take him to the hospital. The crowd was so desperate. Famine in Gaza has reached an unimaginable level. People can't even secure the most basic food or clean water.' Ms Al Asi is infuriated by Israel's claims that sufficient quantities of aid are reaching Gaza. 'The occupation says it's sending aid and children's supplies to protect them from hunger. That's a lie,' she says. 'The only reality here is famine. It's killing us, children, adults, the elderly. Everyone is suffering. Everyone is dying slowly, every single day.'
Zawya
2 days ago
- Zawya
Sharjah: A global standard for inclusion and a model of social integration and sustainable development
Sharjah: Hosting the World Congress 2025 'We Are Inclusion" in the Emirate of Sharjah is a culmination of a longstanding humanitarian and developmental journey that has solidified its position as a global model for comprehensive social inclusion. This path led to Sharjah being named a "Disability-Friendly City" in 2018 by the World Disability Union, following the emirate's extensive efforts to develop its infrastructure to ensure full and safe accessibility to all public facilities and services. An inclusive educational environment Sharjah's commitment to comprehensive inclusion is seen across several key sectors essential to the health and well-being of individuals in the community. In the field of education, the emirate has played a significant role in inclusive education and pedagogical rehabilitation. Since its establishment, the Sharjah City for Humanitarian Services (SCHS) has actively worked to integrate individuals with disabilities into schools and the broader community, while advocating for an accessible built environment that allows for easy and safe mobility. These significant efforts have enabled the integration of many students with disabilities into schools within an educational environment rooted in equality and specialised educational support. Sharjah has also provided early intervention services, family care, and individualised rehabilitation for children. In parallel, economic initiatives like Takween were launched with the goal of producing goods handcrafted by persons with disabilities, serving as a model for the shift from care to empowerment, and showcasing their ability to create independent artistic and craftwork that supports economic inclusion. Furthermore, the University of Sharjah established the Disability Resource Center to provide academic and technical support to students with disabilities, ensuring their full participation on campus from admission through graduation and achieving an inclusive and comprehensive educational experience. On the social and psychological front, several institutions in Sharjah organise seasonal programs that include a range of activities for persons with disabilities, such as art workshops, sports events, and psychological support. These initiatives are part of a broader community strategy aimed at improving quality of life and fostering a sense of inclusion and acceptance. Alignment with national policies At the legislative and legal level, Sharjah's efforts are fully aligned with federal laws and policies notably Federal Law No. 29 of 2006 concerning the rights of persons with disabilities. The emirate has continuously worked to connect health, education, economic, and social sectors to ensure a sustainable and integrated approach to inclusion. The significance of these efforts is underlined by data from the International Labour Organisation (ILO), which reveals that excluding persons with disabilities from the labor market can result in losses ranging from 1% to 7% in the GDP of some countries. This highlights the profound economic and innovative impact of inclusive and integrative policies. Inclusion International's World Congress 2025, 'We are Inclusion', taking place in Sharjah this year, reinforces the significance of inclusive policies in achieving sustainable development. Aligning with the UN 2030 Goal Agenda, particularly Goal 10, which aims to 'reduce inequality' and emphasises that 'social and economic inclusion of all, regardless of age, gender, or disability,' is essential to building sustainable societies. Sharjah: A Global Call for Inclusion and Diversity Through this World Congress, Sharjah is calling out to the global community that building communities cannot be complete without everyone's contribution. Inclusion is not only a humanitarian principle but also a developmental, economic, and cultural policy, and a fundamental human right that must not be compromised.
